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The genius of Cavour. Thanks to his temper with Italy was united and free

A leggere la documentata e bellissima biografia di Adriano Viarengo ( Cavour , Salerno ed., pp.564, 2010), che unisce per la prima volta il Cavour uomo al Cavour Parliamentary and diplomatic statesman Cavour, it is confirmed - but with many innovations and new details - of the centrality, indeed the indispensability of the figure of Camillo Benso, the process of Italian unity, and the start of the "liberal revolution" then, Cavour died and the new political classes mostratesi deficient post-unification, it will stop or at least slow down at the end of the nineteenth century. So much so that the liberal "left" Piero Gobetti, while praising Cavour and the Risorgimento define a revolution "unfinished". Wrong, however, the Marxist Gramsci to talk about "no revolution".
A process of unification and almost a revolution "imposed" by force and adjusted with extreme cleverness by Cavour, very good at countering the clericalism of the Church's power, and military and diplomatic advantage of the slowness of Austria, as well as the evolution of domestic politics and military of France, of which he was expert.
Stubborn, stubborn, perhaps because cadet had to suffer the weight of a conservative family and an elder brother of authoritarian and reactionary (which went so far as to publish in a newspaper a letter clerical against him at Siccardi laws, and that even when Camillo was Prime Minister did weigh on him the privilege of Majorat), seemed to always have something personal against authoritarianism, against Austria, the Papal States, and even France, where the volatile political history led her to betray the revolution and become reactionary. Even the Academy and then in a short-lived military appeared impatient and rebellious nature of the hierarchies and discipline dullness, marrying every liberal cause, as to be placed under observation by police Albertine.
a battle so intense, that of Cavour in Italy, colored in deep veins and emotional character, as to seem inexplicable, if not for reasons psychological and intellectual. Not only was he born maverick, had been part of Young Italy and was trained in liberal circles in Geneva and Paris, but it was above all a great admirer of Britain from which it imported (see the youth trip with his friend Santarosa) modernizations, such as the elimination of barriers to the free market, railways, agriculture and so rational. Other than taste for power, was so intimately passionate Italy free, economically and politically, independent and united (at first only to the North did not dare hope for more) - he was born with French citizenship - that even the deathbed, delirious, churches finally moved to a king, who did not understand and even had repeatedly tried to oust him, had finally arrived from the United States the long-awaited recognition of the new Kingdom of Italy.
So, after reading the book, one realizes with some dismay that the unification of Italy and the dose from a horse of liberalism "taxes" from Cavour were successful thanks to his tenacity and his frank cunning, exercised in the light of the sun, as Gobetti recognized and admired. But even in fortuitous circumstances and adventurous. It was truly a miracle that even now could not happen again. On the other hand, other than active minorities liberals, who saw all middle-class, popular and enlightened aristocrats, aristocracy and the vast majority of the Italian people were reactionary or conservative, especially as ignorant. That's why the Liberals were holding so much to education popular public notice. While the school "private" was also then that the priests, who despise science and modernity. A liberal revolution
singular, therefore, primarily the result of "temper" of Cavour, famous and feared for his outbursts against those who - too moderate or conservative, or too slow to understand - put a spoke in the wheels of his mind fast and volcanic . That explains everything, including politics and the Italian company today, especially in the south
Only Cavour could "make Italy", and made with cunning and arrogance. Not the abstract and unrealistic Mazzini, who, after every attack in which he sent into the fray so many young people sheltered in Switzerland o in Gran Bretagna, e neanche da solo il militarmente abile e coraggioso ma politicamente confusionario Garibaldi. E neanche i liberali della Sinistra che, nientedimeno, si erano illusi di "fare la rivoluzione liberale con il Re" Carlo Alberto, tantomeno l'ala neo-guelfa, quegli ingenui liberali cattolici, più volte traditi e ridicolizzati dall'ambiguo e reazionario papa Pio IX, che divennero poi i suoi più acerrimi nemici.
Con il re Vittorio Emanuele che gli era nemico e non pensava ad altro che a licenziarlo, con più di mezza classe politica contraria (era accusato o di essere troppo moderato o troppo radicale e anticlericale), con i tanti liberali borghesi che gli rimproveravano di essere aristocratico, con l'aristocrazia e la ricca bourgeoisie hostile to him because he had correctly imposed higher taxes on the wealthy (so even himself), with very strong internal and external opponents, having against Austria, France and the Papacy, and, moreover, being obnoxious to everyone, Cavour, only against all, did the unification of Italy, even in his own life, a secular miracle. The Viarengo this clarity in the objectives, this determination, this "fixation" intellectual Cavour for the unification of Italy and very effectively portrays liberalism as his mission, his bet with his life, his "gambling ", a sort of personal challenge and at times lonely. And good for us, Cavour was blatantly lucky. That does not diminish but rather increases its great merits. A strong figure, in fact, carved in the round nell'altorilievo of the Risorgimento.
His only wrong was to die too soon. And certainly, as do some stupid, it can not be charged in those few years of not being able to also "do the Italians, with a second miracle erasing centuries of backwardness and cultural anthropology and civilian in southern provinces and governed by States authoritarian rulers and foreigners. Let us remember that the malpractice, civil strife and corruption greek-style were already in the South at the time of the Romans, who arrived at the point of "Commissioner" Neapolis (Naples), where he continued to speak greek long. And the flaws endemic to the "Greeks" Just read the stories of greek Polybius. .
The main result of Cavour was to have consigned to history, in a few years, an Italy united and not only independent but also free. "It will not be the last title of glory for Italy - Cavour wrote in 1860 - he had been able to form a nation without sacrificing the freedom of independence, without passing through the hands of a dictatorial Cromwell, but freeing herself from absolutism without falling into the revolutionary monarchical despotism "(*).

And that they had understood correctly and on time those of the Left Liberals in the parliament of Turin that had for years waged a fierce opposition to Cavour, especially their leader Lorenzo Valerio (see item Wikipedia encyclopedia written by us), one of the most important parliamentary Piedmont, which then, not only by virtue of turning radical and of the combination of Cavour Cavour and the Left to beat the Conservative Party, but the evidence that the method of Cavour worked, will become a cavourriano iron. Suffice it to say that in the Viarengo Valerio is mentioned more than 90 times.
Finally, the memory of Camillo Benso di Cavour, the true strength of Nature, active, super-manic worker (the first visitors summoned them at dawn, worked at night, no employee, colleague or opponent could keep up), forerunner bold, strong-willed up to appear arrogant, stubborn, rational, psychologist, together idealist and diplomat, and in any case - despite the overt "balance" - not at all moderate ideas, serving to confound two categories of political persons. The many demagogues and populists without ideas or ideals or ideologies, rather than enlighten, educate, in some way to force on voters pushing the common good and love for freedom, pursuing the worst instincts of the people (as this and other governments of the so-called Seconda Repubblica, addirittura peggiori di quelli della Prima). Ed i sedicenti "liberali" da poltrona - quanti, ieri e oggi! - moderati non delle idee ma dell'intelligenza, che prendono il liberalismo per generica opinione filosofica, non per una coerente dottrina dell'agire pratico, insomma per assenza o debolezza di idee, di convincimenti e progetti, come se fosse l'ideologia dei pigri e dei mediocri, il rifugio dei paurosi. Quanto sono lontani in tutto dal grande Cavour e dal Liberalismo!
NICO VALERIO
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*La frase fa parte di una lettera inviata da Cavour al liberale toscano sen.Vincenzo Salvagnoli, che gli aveva consigliato l'immediata proclamazione del Regno d’Italia e l’imposizione the state of siege. It was in 1860, Expedition of the Thousand successfully completed, with the help also of Piedmont sharpshooters in the crucial battle of the Volturno against the Bourbon army. Well, the answer to all his genius shows Cavour rational liberalism spotless - almost instinctively, it seems - and just consideration to the Parliament for the free press, for the same internal opponents (Garibaldi and the Republicans) to review the Italian and European (especially English). Compliance with the forms of the game and liberal and democratic common sense, ability to take the side of others, great instinct psychology. Beautiful letter. "Italy was born under good conditions." Says the Treccani website from which we took the document. But many Italian or European politicians, some also referred to as "men of state" could be compared to Cavour?
Here is the complete letter:
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Turin, October 2, 1860
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Salvagnoli My dear, I thank you for
m'avete letter written Sept. 30, but I disagree with you on recommendations contained therein.
A statement by the House that the whole of Italy belongs to our Kingdom would be superfluous to the public in Italy, and is tantamount to an indirect and therefore untimely declaration of war against Austria.
no less deadly I think, to tell you Frankly, the proposal by Parliament to grant full powers to the King until complete dissolution of all the Italian question. You no doubt recall what the English papers reproached the Italians for having suspended the constitutional guarenzie during the war last year. The renew now, in times of apparent peace, such a provision would have the most disastrous effect on public opinion in England, and by all the liberals on the continent. The interior of the state then, this measure does not apply to call certain harmony in the great national party. The best way to show how the country is averse to divide the theories of the grievances of Bertani and Mazzini and Crispi, has to leave the Parliament may perfectly free of censorship and control. The vote that will be enshrined in the great majority of the deputies will give the Ministry a moral authority far higher than any dictatorship.
Your Council will therefore implement the concept of Garibaldi, which is designed precisely to obtain a great revolutionary dictatorship to be exercised in the name of the King, without control of free press, Guarantees or individual MPs. I think instead I will not be the last title of glory for Italy to have been able to form a nation without sacrificing freedom to independence, without passing through the hands of a dictatorial Cromwell, but freeing herself from absolutism without falling into the revolutionary monarchical despotism.
Now, there's another way to achieve this purpose in the competition to draw Parliament's only moral force capable of winning seven and to retain the sympathies of liberal Europe. Back to the committees on public health, or, what comes back the same, the revolutionary dictatorship of one or more, would kill the freedom that we want legal inseparable companion of the nation's independence. Believe me always

C. Cavour
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(From Charles Cavour, Letters, XVII, 4, edited by Charles and Rosanna Pischedda Rock, Florence, Olschki, 2005, pp. S. 2131)

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IMAGES. 1. Cavour in a beautiful photograph of maturity. 2. Cavour young. 3. In triumph (a caricature of the Redeemed Whistle , 15 dic.1855). 4. The four "Fathers of the Nation" gathered only in iconography. In fact, the two standing fever and thought of the two horns sitting, who reciprocated, and even tried to stop them. The gentleman standing on the left was disliked by the other three. One sitting, with a mustache, he tried in every way to get rid of the other ladies sitting without a mustache (drawing on Pouring Apolloni, 15 August 1945). 5. Cavour and Garibaldi are Italy (Foggia, Harlequin , May 13, 1861). 6. Cavour super-employee works for four hands, while his co-workers collapse from sleep (Redeemed on Whistle , 22 June 1854). The cartoons, colored with Photoshop, are drawn by the beautiful site Foundation of Friends of Cavour, whom we thank.

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The genius of Cavour. The ruse concocted by the government of the liberal revolution

We read the brilliant Gobetti twenty years, the right age to read it. And we had forgotten about this track that the figure of Cavour. Now all the articles in the weekly Piero Gobetti Liberal Revolution have been computerized and made available in a site dedicated, and even - I think - in the original typefaces. Unfortunately, the title places
Articles Gobetti and search for topics too schematic does not help the researcher quickly Horizon site. There is a search by word, not even the names of the most significant political figures and historians. Instead, there are three very useful research: the authors of the articles, which can also be the distinguished strangers, the titles of articles (and did not know how Gobetti titles) and the subjects of the articles. And here we see the major shortcoming: the subjects (only a few dozen) are already set: you can only choose between them. But there are the most generic or obscure, and they lack the fundamental names. There are "Albania" and "Political life in Taranto, but Cavour, Garibaldi, Mazzini, Giolitti, etc. Sella. In our view, in other words, the storage of the liberal revolution should be completely redone.
In memory and honor of the major protagonists of the Italian Risorgimento, Camillo Benso di Cavour, which falls this year on 200.o anniversary of his birth (born August 10, 1810), we reproduce a page of the Liberal Revolution (a. II, No. 13, May 8, 1923) in which the young and intellectual appassionatissimo Cavour Turin portrays his part, including through arguments curious and unusual.
baseless, for example, there seems to use a separate, almost opposite, terms liberalism and liberalism about his work when the natural continuity, perfect, among all the freedom, the market for religion, it seems - also from the biography of Viarengo - the salient feature of the life of Cavouir.
And then, the article ends well: everything we expected, except that the pragmatic and very little intellectual Cavour, as he himself admitted, was reviewed post mortem to the sound of quotes from Hegel, indeed, and entered without his fault in polemics or philosophical currents of thought which now appear very provincial (NV).
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"It was very fortunate for a people who could not distinguish between Cattaneo and Gioberti, Cavour which is driving it, the diplomacy of Cattaneo, who was able to avoid the barren of the revolution in a tyranny. The conflict between Cavour and Vittorio Emanuele II, king of mediocre and denied to the understanding of the times, it was in this sense the real Providence Italian unity.
Minister Piedmont above his contemporaries because it looks the same problems with the eye of a statesman. However, his figure is something more than an example of the consciousness of a governor who could be offered by the ministers of 700. genius and perseverance not taught to govern Italy and the reaction of the seven clerical. The Cavour is rather singular virtue of the frankness of his cunning. He was a diplomat who could speak to the crowds and, without begging the favor, he never stopped or reduced the strength that comes from the enthusiasm of a people. The prevailing mores of demagoguery and theocracy Cavour was able to begin the process of a modern liberal revolution, despite having only an army and a dynasty. Educator and creator of the membership found the people without a bribe. Compared with the politicians who followed him, except Sella, is of another race: for the same Depretis and Giolitti, who also has the mind of a statesman, the proper term of comparison is not Cavour, but Rattazzi, equilibrium model of misunderstanding and demagoguery.
Instead, the possibility of Cavour, while not indulging in professions of faith or programs, do not compromise the future. He was able to disarm the radical with the union with Rattazzi, which was more a victory that alliance and stopped clericalism with a firm ecclesiastical politics, but moderate and populist.
Economic freedom was the pivot of education on which he set its popular action. Why the revolution triumphed against the reaction was deemed necessary that freedom by founding the private and public life, fighting protectionism, he opened the Piedmont to a direct communication with the European economic activity and created a movement activity and initiative allowed the state to deal with twenty years of political adventure. Cavour's liberalism was to bring new forces into national life works: achieving without corrupting the practices of the policy of his philanthropy charity openly opposed to the indifference of the rulers to the lower classes. While
created the conditions in the popular life goals for a modern revival of the economy based on the imperatives of religion and not on dreams, Cavour's liberalism was the central element of its foreign policy. With a century-long tradition of diplomatic cunning too, forced to rely only on their personal dignity because not supported by the sentiment of the nation, the Italians had become strangers to European policy, lest they offered no guarantee and could not be based on real needs and positive virtues to participate in the international balance. Cavour was able to give Europe the example of a practice of liberal government with dignity, able to keep its commitments and gain the confidence of the country. In front of Austria, he showed the possibility of a national government that did not need to resort to the state of siege.
But the masterpiece of Cavour - admittedly, after many misunderstandings - was the ecclesiastical policy. He realized the futility of all struggle against Catholicism in a Catholic country and the need to fight the Church not on dogmatic grounds, but on the formal problem of freedom of conscience. Understood according to these principles, the formula free church in a free state is no longer found in the philosophy of an ambiguous law, but a trick of international politics and the proof of the virtues of diplomacy and maturity of the new constitutional state. Leaving the tribunes and the leaders of the political struggle with the task of fighting dogmatism and paying the free culture function to process the new ideologies, Cavour forced the champions of the Middle Ages to accept a truth to fight a modern ruling. His reverence for the Church and felt only his sense of measure and its deep conviction that the independence of a modern people could not based on a populist anti-clerical propaganda. You could not go beyond Catholicism if you forgot the Catholic tradition.
Compared with the complex reasons for the work promoted by the statesman appears dry dogmatic critics opposed to the Hegelian formula Cavour theoretical of intolerance and even more pedantically by Vera.
GM Bertini was among the critics of ecclesiastical politics Cavour the only one who touched the reasons far more delicate and difficult postulating the need for a relentless polemic against the residues of absolutism inherent in any policy inspired by the Church. Except that these reasons then taken by the thought of Bertini Spaventa and Right Hegelian were valid to prevent any Rebirth of a misunderstanding in the fight against neo-Guelph and the ideas of national culture, could not inspire a state policy that must take into account the Vatican as part of the international diplomatic life. In reality the work of Cavour was the most vigorous opposition to any interference by the neo-Guelph, his politics were far more astute than he might be suggested by any ideology immanent defeated because absolutism resources completely realistic. Under the administration here was also the politician who had solved the most difficult problems of the modern spirit.
Piero Gobetti
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IMAGES. 1. Cavour and Garibaldi create chemical Italy put in the still, one by one, all regions (the elect, The Whistle, November 10, 1860). 2. Cavour challenged by the liberal left of Lorenzo Valerio, and Angelo Brofferio before Marriage (Redeemed, The Whistle , April 6, 1858). Note: the cartoons, lightly colored with Photoshop, are drawn by the beautiful site of the Friends of the Foundation Cavour, whom we thank.