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We read the brilliant Gobetti twenty years, the right age to read it. And we had forgotten about this track that the figure of Cavour. Now all the articles in the weekly Piero Gobetti Liberal Revolution have been computerized and made available in a site dedicated, and even - I think - in the original typefaces. Unfortunately, the title places Articles Gobetti and search for topics too schematic does not help the researcher quickly Horizon site. There is a search by word, not even the names of the most significant political figures and historians. Instead, there are three very useful research: the authors of the articles, which can also be the distinguished strangers, the titles of articles (and did not know how Gobetti titles) and the subjects of the articles. And here we see the major shortcoming: the subjects (only a few dozen) are already set: you can only choose between them. But there are the most generic or obscure, and they lack the fundamental names. There are "Albania" and "Political life in Taranto, but Cavour, Garibaldi, Mazzini, Giolitti, etc. Sella. In our view, in other words, the storage of the liberal revolution should be completely redone.
In memory and honor of the major protagonists of the Italian Risorgimento, Camillo Benso di Cavour, which falls this year on 200.o anniversary of his birth (born August 10, 1810), we reproduce a page of the Liberal Revolution (a. II, No. 13, May 8, 1923) in which the young and intellectual appassionatissimo Cavour Turin portrays his part, including through arguments curious and unusual.
baseless, for example, there seems to use a separate, almost opposite, terms liberalism and liberalism about his work when the natural continuity, perfect, among all the freedom, the market for religion, it seems - also from the biography of Viarengo - the salient feature of the life of Cavouir.
And then, the article ends well: everything we expected, except that the pragmatic and very little intellectual Cavour, as he himself admitted, was reviewed post mortem to the sound of quotes from Hegel, indeed, and entered without his fault in polemics or philosophical currents of thought which now appear very provincial (NV).
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"It was very fortunate for a people who could not distinguish between Cattaneo and Gioberti, Cavour which is driving it, the diplomacy of Cattaneo, who was able to avoid the barren of the revolution in a tyranny. The conflict between Cavour and Vittorio Emanuele II, king of mediocre and denied to the understanding of the times, it was in this sense the real Providence Italian unity.
Minister Piedmont above his contemporaries because it looks the same problems with the eye of a statesman. However, his figure is something more than an example of the consciousness of a governor who could be offered by the ministers of 700. genius and perseverance not taught to govern Italy and the reaction of the seven clerical. The Cavour is rather singular virtue of the frankness of his cunning. He was a diplomat who could speak to the crowds and, without begging the favor, he never stopped or reduced the strength that comes from the enthusiasm of a people. The prevailing mores of demagoguery and theocracy Cavour was able to begin the process of a modern liberal revolution, despite having only an army and a dynasty. Educator and creator of the membership found the people without a bribe. Compared with the politicians who followed him, except Sella, is of another race: for the same Depretis and Giolitti, who also has the mind of a statesman, the proper term of comparison is not Cavour, but Rattazzi, equilibrium model of misunderstanding and demagoguery.
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Instead, the possibility of Cavour, while not indulging in professions of faith or programs, do not compromise the future. He was able to disarm the radical with the union with Rattazzi, which was more a victory that alliance and stopped clericalism with a firm ecclesiastical politics, but moderate and populist. Economic freedom was the pivot of education on which he set its popular action. Why the revolution triumphed against the reaction was deemed necessary that freedom by founding the private and public life, fighting protectionism, he opened the Piedmont to a direct communication with the European economic activity and created a movement activity and initiative allowed the state to deal with twenty years of political adventure. Cavour's liberalism was to bring new forces into national life works: achieving without corrupting the practices of the policy of his philanthropy charity openly opposed to the indifference of the rulers to the lower classes. While
created the conditions in the popular life goals for a modern revival of the economy based on the imperatives of religion and not on dreams, Cavour's liberalism was the central element of its foreign policy. With a century-long tradition of diplomatic cunning too, forced to rely only on their personal dignity because not supported by the sentiment of the nation, the Italians had become strangers to European policy, lest they offered no guarantee and could not be based on real needs and positive virtues to participate in the international balance. Cavour was able to give Europe the example of a practice of liberal government with dignity, able to keep its commitments and gain the confidence of the country. In front of Austria, he showed the possibility of a national government that did not need to resort to the state of siege.
But the masterpiece of Cavour - admittedly, after many misunderstandings - was the ecclesiastical policy. He realized the futility of all struggle against Catholicism in a Catholic country and the need to fight the Church not on dogmatic grounds, but on the formal problem of freedom of conscience. Understood according to these principles, the formula free church in a free state is no longer found in the philosophy of an ambiguous law, but a trick of international politics and the proof of the virtues of diplomacy and maturity of the new constitutional state. Leaving the tribunes and the leaders of the political struggle with the task of fighting dogmatism and paying the free culture function to process the new ideologies, Cavour forced the champions of the Middle Ages to accept a truth to fight a modern ruling. His reverence for the Church and felt only his sense of measure and its deep conviction that the independence of a modern people could not based on a populist anti-clerical propaganda. You could not go beyond Catholicism if you forgot the Catholic tradition.
Compared with the complex reasons for the work promoted by the statesman appears dry dogmatic critics opposed to the Hegelian formula Cavour theoretical of intolerance and even more pedantically by Vera.
GM Bertini was among the critics of ecclesiastical politics Cavour the only one who touched the reasons far more delicate and difficult postulating the need for a relentless polemic against the residues of absolutism inherent in any policy inspired by the Church. Except that these reasons then taken by the thought of Bertini Spaventa and Right Hegelian were valid to prevent any Rebirth of a misunderstanding in the fight against neo-Guelph and the ideas of national culture, could not inspire a state policy that must take into account the Vatican as part of the international diplomatic life. In reality the work of Cavour was the most vigorous opposition to any interference by the neo-Guelph, his politics were far more astute than he might be suggested by any ideology immanent defeated because absolutism resources completely realistic. Under the administration here was also the politician who had solved the most difficult problems of the modern spirit.
Piero Gobetti
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IMAGES. 1. Cavour and Garibaldi create chemical Italy put in the still, one by one, all regions (the elect, The Whistle, November 10, 1860). 2. Cavour challenged by the liberal left of Lorenzo Valerio, and Angelo Brofferio before Marriage (Redeemed, The Whistle , April 6, 1858). Note: the cartoons, lightly colored with Photoshop, are drawn by the beautiful site of the Friends of the Foundation Cavour, whom we thank.
