Sunday, June 27, 2010

Ortho Total Lawn And Garden Insect Killer

Belgium, the Catholic clergy is not Italy: there was a bishop like everyone

Some faces speak. And there is only one of the card. Sepe, involved in economic and political scandals of the Propaganda Fide. The expression "tough guy", aggressive, very mild and not very Christian, Secretary of State Card. Bertone, at least as it appeared in the papers these days about the umpteenth Catholic pedophilia scandal, this time in Belgium, speaks more than one hundred essays full identification of the Church through meditation, prayer, admitting their sins , the renunciation of the world, poverty, and altruism, but by force, arrogance, control, power. This is nothing new, but an unwelcome confirmation millennia.
The Church or the popes, the cardinals, the Roman Curia, bishops, did everything in its long history, repeatedly resorting to deception and forgery (starting with the figure of Jesus and the "Donation of Constantine" that doveva giustificare il suo potere terreno), ma anche alla violenza psicologica, alle conversioni forzate, alla tortura e al delitto. Ma guai a chi le fa il minimo sgarbo. Abituata a comandare, ad accusare, a condannare e reprimere senza appello, continua ad avere un insopportabile atteggiamento arrogante, assai poco "cristiano", e non tollera minimamente di essere - una volta tanto - accusata e trattata come tutti. Grida subito alla "mancanza di libertà". Vecchia solfa che ormai non incanta più nessuno. E, allora, la libertà delle migliaia di persone che in 2000 anni la Chiesa ha plagiato, censurato, condannato, imprigionato, torturato, ucciso? Ora, poi, ci sono anche le migliaia di bambini e adolescenti perseguitati dai tanti preti pedophiles. In Belgium, these crimes were numerous and people are rightly exasperated. It is not clear how the face of bronze, in times like these, the Church rather than repent, sprinkle ashes on their heads, he ordered his central and local leaders to resign en masse, even dares to raise its voice.
Just say mid-nineteenth century to impose the penalty of excommunication for politicians Piedmont Act convents, Belgium today accused of being "worse than the communist countries" only because the investigators at the serious crime of pedophilia, the bishops have treated the same way how they treat other people under investigation and interrogation. As shown in the harsh criticism of the press of Julius Caesar, for No Vallocchia God as a comment on the article by which we reproduce America today, "the Belgian courts deny, and knowing the proverbial capacity for lies and deception of which they are capable by 2000 years the leaders of the SS Peter, we are more inclined to believe that the Belgians not to the hierarchy. Among other things, is not even true that they have been deprived of food and beverages during the interview. But public opinion is with the Belgian courts in a civilized country because no one is above the law. And the Belgium is not Italy, where to investigate a pedophile priest or a bishop thief must ask permission from his knees Catholic hierarchy "(Vallocchia, No God). But let the word to the Italian language newspaper in the U.S., America Oggi (Nico Valerio).
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BRUSSELS. The prosecutor rejected the accusations made yesterday by Secretary of State Tarcisio Bertone against Belgian investigators ["Worse than the communist countries", Ed], for the treatment of the bishops of the archdiocese during the search Mechel-Brussels. The bishops were given the opportunity to eat and drink, said the spokesman, Jean-Marc Meilleur, speaking RTBF issuer. The same spokesman said that searches were carried out by "professionals who know their job and respect the rights of people."
During the day, the Belgian bishops' conference spokesman Eric de Buekelaer said that the Church could decide to take legal action against the raids carried out Thursday by the police. The archbishop also asked to be able to recover the computers seized during the search, because without this equipment the activity of the headquarters of the Catholic Church in Belgium is to remain paralyzed. In front of the wrath of the Vatican, yesterday did not intervene nor the Foreign Ministry nor the Belgian justice.
speak for themselves were the main columnists. Justice has finally launched a "clear signal that the Church is not above the law," said the Flemish daily 'De Morgen', sums up the position expressed by Most commentators have taken on the Belgian clash between the Vatican and Belgium triggered by the manner in which the judiciary and police have conducted raids last Thursday. In a country with an ancient Catholic tradition, but where the secular state is sacrosanct and inviolable and pedophilia is a nightmare, the media - as does the other great Flemish magazine 'Der Standaard' - they recognize that in some cases the initiatives taken during the search made Mechel-Residence in Brussels and in the crypt of the Cathedral of St. Rombaut were "disproportionate".
said that, however, in an editorial published on the main francophone newspaper, 'Le Soir', one wonders what "game stia giocando la Chiesa quando sostiene che nel cercare di identificare i preti che hanno abusato di minori, la giustizia si rende colpevole di una doppia violenza". E un altro commento, pubblicato sullo stesso giornale sotto un articolo dal titolo "i religiosi, una casta superiore", osserva: "Il Vaticano preferisce le tombe alle vittime". A essere messo sotto accusa è soprattutto l'accordo raggiunto da poco, sotto l'egida del ministro della giustizia, con la commissione voluta dalla Chiesa e guidata dal professor Peter Andriaenssen che ha il compito di indagare sugli abusi sessuali compiuti dai preti. Un accordo "forse lodevole nelle intenzioni" ma "sbilenco" poiché, si sottolinea su ‘La Libre Belgique', "lascia alla Chiesa un Curious leeway. "It does not take into account that the confidentiality of information collected in the event of serious crimes, takes a back seat to the need for judicial investigation. It has done well - he concludes the editorial - the investigating judge De Troy ( the one who ordered the searches, ed), which fortunately is granted independence, to take up the reins of the investigation. "

Friday, June 18, 2010

I-catcher Console Web Monitor

Quando si è veramente un Professionista


With this statement, Maria Luisa Busi leaves the conduct of the Tg1 Minzolini. She writes in a letter he posted on the board of editors.

to Dr. Augusto Minzolini
the CDR
PC Dr. Paul Garimberti
pc Prof. Mauro Masi
pc Dr. Luciano FLOWS


Dear Editor,

you ask to be relieved from the task of conducting the 20th edition of Tg1, having determined that a situation does not allow me to perform this task without prejudice to my professional beliefs.
This is' a difficult choice for me, but obligatory.
consider the editorial that you wanted to give the paper a sort of a diversion, because of which the TG1 is likely to crash into a permanent loss of credibility 'in respect of viewers.
As the president of the Vigilance Commission RAI Sergio Zavoli: "the bigger Italian texts, giving up its traditional structure has seen transform together with its identity ', a traditional part of listening."
I love this newspaper, where I work for 21 years. 'Cause a great newspaper. It 'was the sale of newspaper, Frajese, Longhi, Morrione, Fava, Giuntella. Il giornale delle culture diverse, delle idee diverse. Le conteneva tutte, era questa la sua ricchezza. Era il loro giornale, il nostro giornale. Anche dei colleghi che hai rimosso dai loro incarichi e di molti altri qui dentro che sono stati emarginati.
Questo e’ il giornale che ha sempre parlato a tutto il Paese. Il giornale degli italiani. Il giornale che ha dato voce a tutte le voci. Non e’ mai stato il giornale di una voce sola.
Oggi l’informazione del TG1 e’ un’informazione parziale e di parte.
Dov’e’ il paese reale? Dove sono le donne della vita reale? Quelle che devono aspettare mesi per una mammografia, se non possono pagarla? Quelle coi wages worst in Europe, those who are struggling every day to go 'cause there's no nursery' place for all our children? must be to raise the blood and die for the honor of one of our title. And where are the women and men who have lost their jobs? A million people, behind which are their families.
Where are the young, for the first time with a worse future of the fathers? And the forty still precarious, 800 euro per month, which can not even buy a couch, let alone giving birth to a child? And where are the cassintegrati Alitalia? What happened? And hundreds of companies and entrepreneurs that are closing the northeast who commit suicide because ' failed? Where
'that Italy we have a duty to tell? That Italy exists. But the TG1 has dropped. Also I buy toilet paper for my daughter who attends first grade in a public school. But that evening, the TG1 of 20, we give space only to ministers and Gelmini Brunetta presenting the new great project for the digitization of the school, including a digital whiteboard.
Italy experiencing a crisis in social and 'over the siding of our indifference. Squeezed between information of a party - an editorial on justice, one against the repentant Mafia, another on the investigation of Trani in which you said not to be investigated, belied by the facts the next day - el'infotainment newspaper: how many times should wash their hands every day, hunting the crocodile in the lake, the antiscippo underpants.
An editorial choice with which we are enriching the scripts of the programs of satire and impoverishing our reputation as the first newspaper of the public service of the most 'important company in the country's cultural.
addition to citizens, they are paying for so many good colleagues who could devote more satisfaction surveys to many other more 'high profile and interest.
A journalist has a unique tool to defend their professional beliefs: to raise his signature piece.
A conductor, a conductor, puo’ soltanto levare la propria faccia, a questo punto. Nell’affidamento dei telespettatori e’ infatti al conduttore che viene ricollegata la notizia. E’ lui che ricopre primariamente il ruolo di garante del rapporto di fiducia che sussiste con i telespettatori.
I fatti dell’Aquila ne sono stata la prova.
Quando centinaia di persone hanno inveito contro la troupe che guidavo al grido di vergogna e scodinzolini, ho capito che quel rapporto di fiducia che ci ha sempre legato al nostro pubblico era davvero compromesso. E’ quello che accade quando si privilegia la comunicazione all’informazione, la propaganda alla verifica. Un’ultima annotazione piu’ personale.
Ho fatto dell’onesta’ e della lealta’ lo stile della mia vita e della mia professione.
Dissentire non e’ tradire. Non rammento chi lo ha detto recentemente.
Pertanto:1) respingo l’accusa di avere avuto un comportamento scorretto.
Le critiche che ho espresso pubblicamente - ricordo che si tratta di un mio diritto oltre che di un dovere essendo una consigliera della FNSI - le avevo gia’ mosse anche nelle riunioni di sommario e a te, personalmente. Con spirito di leale collaborazione, pensando che in un lavoro come il nostro la circolazione delle idee e la pluralita’ delle opinioni costituisca un arricchimento.
Per questo ho continuato a condurre in questi mesi. Ma e’ palese che non c’e’ piu’ alcuno spazio for the democratic process to TG1.
are the times of the single thought. Who is there and 'out, sooner or later.
2) reject the accusation that I 'move was biting the hand that feeds.
I remember the food and 'that of a simple left, which simply asks that the dish contains the right ingredients. All honest. And I want to clarify that you have always refused compensation out of the Rai, lavishly offered by large companies for the faces called to present their conventions, believing that a reporter from the public service should not profit from their role.
3) reject as insulting statements in your letter after the interview with Republic, letter in which you called the company a disciplinary action against me: I've been accused of "damaging the newspaper I work for, with my statements on the data of listening.
data made publicly confirmed those statements. I also find it ironic
your consideration the following: "give the TG1 'account of the views of minorities, but not shocked' the facts in deference to ideological campaigns." I can tell you that the only campaign to which I devote myself and 'the one where I spend the weekends with his family. I hope you can say the same. Conversely I have noticed that has not raised a word against your violent smear campaign that the newspaper Il Giornale, Free and the weekly Panorama - even using improperly business mail me direct - have lined up against me after my criticism of your editorial. An attack on clock: immediately discredit those who disagree to weaken the value of its claims. I have been called "shear ciacolante - talkative girl - reporter without news, without editorial columnist" and so on. Not
's what I said handing the President Ciampi Saint Vincent Prize for journalism, the Quirinale.
respond to these cowards' my office.
But know that it is not 'sure why I leave the conduct of 20. Thomas Bernhard writes in Old Masters dozens of times a word that I love very much: we live rispetto.Non of admiration, he says, but 'we bisogno.Caro Director of respect, I believe we need more respect. For news, the public, for the truth '. What I feel for the history of TG1, for my company, leads me to this decision. Respect for viewers, our single point of contact. We should always remember. You would have a duty too.

Marialuisa Busi
Rome, May 20, 2010

Wednesday, June 9, 2010

Monster Energy Logo Tongue Rings

The Sicilians call Garibaldi (and Bergamo) contro gli odiati Borboni

history teaches. BUT ONLY IF YOU 'willing to learn. History teaches? Of course, we wondered in a article Salon Voltaire on May 5 last time the shipment of one thousand, but only if you have a minimum of intelligence and culture. That is why our classe dirigente, soprattutto i politici, non hanno imparato niente.
LA SICILIA E GLI ANTENATI DEI "PADANI" CON GARIBALDI. Le ridicole Leghe del Nord e del Sud che oggi sputano falsità da osteria sul Risorgimento, i liberali, i "piemontesi", Cavour e Garibaldi, ignorano la Storia e mostrano di non avere alcuna idealità, visto che la Storia è sempre storia di libertà. Ristretti nel loro cinismo da bottegai di villaggio che non vedono al di là del campanile, non sanno che furono proprio i siciliani – Crispi, La Masa, Rosalino Pilo, La Farina, La Loggia e molti altri – a chiedere a Garibaldi di liberare l’isola dal giogo dell’oppressore Borbone contro cui c’erano stati i gloriosi Vespri; the thousand were expected to Palermo with feverish anxiety, which the Sicilians who left were far from Quarto 71 (more of Piedmont), hundreds of Sicilians were added to the Arabian in the land of Sicily, including priests and monks, and that was the Sicilian Pilot's flagship, Piedmont - where he was Garibaldi - Salvatore Castiglia (he choose the landing at Marsala), which was the only woman Montmasson Rosalie, wife of the Sicilian Crispi, that Palermo was the only city to meet with an individual medal each party to the dispatch, that 800 thousand of today would be called "Po", most of those countrymen who now speak ill of Garibaldi, as I do from Milan, Bergamo and Brescia.
LO "rogue states" Bourbon and the Revisionism of fools. And as he was well under the Bourbons, "King obscurantist, capricious and cruel as few (England by Lord Gladstone regarded the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, a real" rogue state "- as we would say today - only considering its notorious prisons) , tells us in a lively autobiographical book "Thoughts and memories of historical and contemporary" (ed. Sellerio 1991), a Sicilian aristocrat a bit 'reckless, Michele Palmieri Miccichè, probably ancestor of the political - see previous article - today speaks ill of Garibaldi. " The Micciche, who experimented on well before the '48 own skin, despite being a privileged, the cruelty of that crazy absolutist state, clerical, and corrupt police who forced him to emigrate to France. THE COURAGE OF INTELLECTUAL
. The entire history of the Arabian genius Garibaldi, first as a great man and then as commander, with courage, speed and coldness in military decisions, see the chapters in the manual in the early twentieth century wrote a number of experts, and now reissued in free distribution (" General Giuseppe Garibaldi ," Army Historical Office, 2007). An exciting book: we never believed that a handbook designed to explain the technical officers of the Great milta Nizzardo in individual battles would also like to those who are not interested in military affairs, explaining better than many history books that his victories were due mainly to the ideals and even stronger intellectual freedom, and that the losses were mainly Bourbon ideals and moral failures of those who was against the liberty, therefore, against the history.
INSTEAD '"DO ITALY" LA is discarded. In short, Sicily and Bergamo curiously still together? Today in speaking ill of Garibaldi yesterday, 150 years ago, under his banner. Involution really mean.
They were right, then, the Risorgimento: the Italians should still do it.
regions and provinces, dens of parasitism. Moreover, we think Europe and the market consider international nation, indeed, a very small state that only the provincial dullness can think of to break even more. So small that even the regions and provinces are a luxury irrational, especially if their own. And by the way, "self" to whom and to what, since that alone would not be able to make three steps without falling even more ridiculous, and even now they charge their waste, their follies megalomaniac provincial from other fellow citizens? They are the real bullies from which we should get rid of. But where to find a new Garibaldi regain them once again for their own good?

Clinary Cover Letters

Ma la Sicilia era contro Napoli e i Borboni, con Garibaldi e il Risorgimento

Gianfranco Micciche, Undersecretary to the Presidency Council of Ministers, member of the Chamber of Deputies, a prominent supporter of President of the Sicilian Region, which could not stand without his support, declaring that "our misfortune" (our of Sicilians, of course), "I started just with the 'Unit of Italy. The sentence reads, in black and white, in his interview on June 8, 2010 to electronic journal "Siciliaoggi.net.
Years ago I had the opportunity to study a remarkable book, "Ruggero Settimo Risorgimento in Sicily", published in 1928 by the publishing house Laterza of Bari, written by a Sicilian aristocrat, Charles Avarna (1885-1964), Duke of Gualtieri. Avarna is known to historians for having published in May 1925, a book, titled "Fascism" at the Publisher Piero Gobetti.
Recall, quickly, some historical transition. December 11, 1816: Ferdinand de Bourbon, IV as king of Naples and III as king of Sicily, has by his own decree to merge the two kingdoms and became Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies. The Sicilians resent this decision, given that the Kingdom of Sicily dating back to September 27th of the year 1130, when he was crowned Roger II of Altavilla. As Charles wrote Avarna, the Bourbon king trampled the "secular autonomy of the island that thirty-five king had, for nearly eight centuries, and which met for the first time, had wanted to make an attempt in 1816" (op. cit, p . 269).
January 12, 1848: the revolution starts in Palermo, the Palermo before any other European people in a year when almost all of Europe will be upset by revolutions.
March 25, 1848: In the Church of San Domenico in Palermo General inaugurated the Parliament of Sicily. Parliament expressed that a ruling class of extraordinary quality, which, unfortunately, will never again know Sicily. Were among them, among others, Frank Ferrara, Frank Paul Perez, Philip Cordova, Michele Amari, Amari Emeric, Vito d'Ondes Reggio, Matthew Rael, Francesco Crispi, Giuseppe La Farina. Many of them were the protagonists of the Italian national history.
April 13, 1848: The Sicilian Parliament proclaims solemnly che: "Ferdinando II e la sua dinastia sono decaduti dal trono di Sicilia". La corona viene allora offerta al duca di Genova, figlio secondogenito di Carlo Alberto re di Sardegna. Secondo quanto deliberato, sarebbe dovuto diventare Alberto Amedeo I, re dei Siciliani (cfr. op. cit., p. 146). Le trattative con la Corte di Torino furono travolte dagli eventi: il 25 luglio del 1848 i Piemontesi furono sconfitti a Custoza dagli Austriaci.
Il 3 novembre del 1860: Ruggero Settimo (1778-1863), dei principi di Fitalia, che aveva presieduto l'Esecutivo siciliano durante il glorioso biennio 1848-1849, scrive al Cavour: "Ella ha, con ragione, veduta nella politica seguita dal governo provvisorio del 1848 la tendenza alla nazionalità italiana sotto the House of Savoy, though it is manifested in the form that the political conditions of the time allowed ... I believe that freedom can not exist without the internal order, assurance of prudent conservation and wise progress. All these blessings we can only ensure the establishment in Italy under a constitutional monarchy the king, it is tall, has remained untouched and the flag of independence of Italian freedom. All the various regions of Italy have heard and understood this truth, and then race to the noble sacrifice on the altar of the homeland of the petty prejudices and harmful prohibits municipalities. Sicily is not wanted, nor could it be less of the other Italian regions: its unanimous and enthusiastic vote for annexation it was evidence "(see op. cit., p. 259).
There is always a tendency to rewrite history, according to those who consider themselves political conveniences of the moment, but the events of the entire the Sicilian Renaissance takes on a meaning that anyone, documents in hand, may contest: the Sicilian elite never forgave the Bourbons having first vowed, then betrayed, the Sicilian Constitution of 1812. All the movements were always inspired by the urgent desire to be independent of Naples. A Messina, Ferdinand II of Bourbon continues to be remembered as "bomb king" nickname earned for the devastating artillery bombardment Bourbon, to which the city proudly resisted for months in 1848. Accession to the Italian cause was perceived as a historic opportunity to put the island in a context of more broad-based, where the larger forces of a great nation could converge and support each other, with the aim of civil and common progress statement.
I will not repeat the vulgar attacks Miccichè has moved against the memory of Garibaldi. Would give them back their importance and amplify them.
Bourbon kingdom fell because it was rotten to the core, undermined by mistrust, betrayal by those in the first place, for the roles, they should support it and defend it. Consider the battle of
Calatafimi 15 May 1860. The Garibaldi defeat in the open field a regular army more numerous, better armed and fighting in competitive advantages, having placed the artillery on the heights from which he could shoot at the red shirts who came forward. It was that victory to show that the expedition of the Thousand was something different from earlier attempts failed attempted insurgency in the South, such as those of the brothers Bandiera, or Carlo Pisacane. The victory of Calatafimi meant that the ruling classes of the island and the Sicilian people side with Garibaldi, who, in fact, already twelve days later, on May 27, 1860, conquered Palermo. To be willing to risk their lives to fight and win, it takes moral strength, obviously, Garibaldi was able to instill this virtue in those who followed him.
At the Battle of Milazzo, 20 July 1860, Garibaldi has full control of Sicily. Then he can cross the Strait, along the entire Calabria and no one dares to attack him and get to Naples, September 7, 1860, hailed as a triumph.
Meanwhile, Francis II of Bourbon took refuge in Gaeta, where he amasses huge military forces. When attempting a clash in an open field with the battle of the Volturno (1-2 October 1860) has, on paper, of fifty thousand men. But his army is routed from that of Garibaldi, this time, finally wins.
It 's true that Garibaldi was never great political genius, but it was a genuine patriot and a generous heart, sincerely loving the cause of freedom of peoples and human progress. To prove this, just remember: he agreed to put an end to the institutions of the dictatorship (and he was the dictator), who allowed 21 October 1860, in the provinces of Naples and Sicily in the plebiscite be held to ask people if they wanted, "Italy one and indivisible with King Vittorio Emanuele II constitutional his legitimate descendants "bowed to election results (the SI were equal to 78.91% of eligible voters in the provinces of Naples and to 75.13% in Sicily) on 26 October 1860, meeting of Tean, ideally gave Southern Italy and Sicily to Victor Emmanuel II Savoy, king legitimized by popular vote. In other words, the good of Italy Garibaldi Antep to their personal political convictions, there was simply part, without compensation, that he, as he got, he could ask for anything. We must remember also those who advised him in this regard, in particular, Francesco De Sanctis, remembered today as a distinguished critic of Italian literature, but then that was the policy of conciliation with Cavour, and Francesco Crispi, who was then a Republican.
may be that those who are unaware Miccichè Adolfo Omodeo, the great historian, he too was born in Palermo, August 18, 1889. In a speech to fellow countrymen in Sicily ", read in the Radio Naples 15 December 1943, Omodeo then refuted the argument made by the separatist movement in Sicily. He accused them of acting "reinvoluzione Baron," to cultivate a sense of reactionary isolationism, to falsify history. Was false, for example, that "the free state which flourished between 1860 and 1922" had been ahead of fascism in the exhaust Island. On the contrary, he argued Omodeo, "who did not mind darkened by passions and not be ignorant of history is evident than ever, after the Norman period, the island had a rash similar to that of the free Italian state, when our natural wits found wider field to succeed, and men of Sicily headed politics, the judiciary, the large political assemblies of the Kingdom of Italy. "We had to do the opposite of what he wanted to separatism: return, in its purity, the great ideal of Mazzini:" the united nation in free association of all the homelands, the Italian unit in the European Confederation that embodies the balance of continental embodies the harmonious collaboration of many peoples from many languages \u200b\u200bof European civilization, which until now has been the light of the world "(see Adolfo Omodeo," Freedom and history. Writings and speeches by politicians, "Torino , Einaudi, 1960, pp. 129-130).
Sicily has recently celebrated the sixty-fourth anniversary of the Special Statute of Autonomy, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 15 May 1946, n. 455. The first elections of the Regional Assembly were held April 20, 1947. Garibaldi is not the fault of whether the institutions have given so questionable autonomist proven itself in a period long enough to be evaluated historically. Garibaldi is not the fault of whether, when there was still the Constitutional Court, the High Court of Sicily, in its ruling of July 1948, declared unconstitutional a provision of constitutional law that same February 26, 1948, No 2, with which the Sicilian Statute was enacted into law constitutional. That provision provided that, in accordance with the constitutional revision procedure, within the next two years, would state apportate le opportune modifiche allo Statuto per armonizzarlo con le norme della Costituzione della Repubblica, scritta ed entrata in vigore successivamente. Il mancato coordinamento fu un drammatico errore politico, di cui portano piena responsabilità quanti affermano l'assurda tesi che lo Statuto sia frutto di un accordo, su un piano paritario, fra la Sicilia e lo Stato italiano.
Non è colpa di Garibaldi se oggi non si è capaci di gestire correttamente il ciclo dei rifiuti e grandi città, come Palermo, sono sporche, maleodoranti ed esposte al rischio di insorgenze sanitarie.
Sappia Miccichè che gli esseri umani non sono tutti uguali, nei gesti e negli atteggiamenti. Alcuni conservano grata memoria dei loro antenati diretti e, comunque, delle precedenti generazioni. Si sentono legati al passato da saldi vincoli ideali e culturali. Le parole possono offendere e dividere; in particolare, le parole che tendono a negare quanto per altri merita rispetto, affetto, venerazione. Parole siffatte scavano fossati che nessun interesse politico poi potrà colmare. E' una questione d'onore; almeno questo Miccichè dovrebbe essere in grado di capirlo.
Cavalcare il sicilianismo forse farà prendere qualche voto; ma, con certezza, ne alienerà altri in modo irrimediabile.
Come già Ruggero Settimo anch'io mi definisco "italiano, nato in Sicilia" e quando vedo una statua di Giuseppe Garibaldi sorrido, come si sorriderebbe a un vecchio amico.
LIVIO GHERSI