Blueprints For Playstructure

Pannunzio as Cavour: the liberalism that you fancy, passion, will, in short, life

grave robbers. Today there is the race to take possession of the embalmed body of Mario Pannunzio, the mythical founder of the World (1949-68). Besides, much quoted, often inappropriately, almost the same age as Flaiano (curious were born the same day and same year). Sure, they shared the mental gymnastics secular irony, the sharp jokes, aphorisms. And by dint of jokes, criticism and irony, perhaps creating and pinned to the bar, editorials and "Notebooks", Pannunzio made of the finest World week that Italy has had, after having founded and directed the most beautiful daily political Risorgimento Liberal (1944-47).
And who has not, at least a little ', or flaianeo Pannunzio? There are too many, the pannunziani alleged, alleged, boasted. Improbable or marginal almost like self-styled "liberals".
Pannunzio fact is that Mario has had to suffer in death without being able to react a lot more tackles than in life, including that of the repeated transfer of the body.
The Left, some left, says she loves him, in key late-fascist, censoring anything that Pannunzio said of the Left.
The Right, some Right now declares defiantly appreciate it, obviously in an anti-Communist out of time, without reporting all the evil that Pannunzio thought, diceva e scriveva della Destra.
Sfugge ad entrambe le parti, prive di idee e quindi obbligate a dividersi tra loro in modo artificioso ed elettorale, che Pannunzio non era così stupidamente bipolare, tifoso. Era invece imbevuto di cultura liberale, e dunque non accettava questa come qualsiasi altra bipartizione, che non vuol dire nulla, neanche sul piano ideologico. Tranne una cosa: che nessuna delle due parti, Destra e Sinistra, è liberale.
Il paradosso è che spesso l’azione macabra del furto della salma del Grande Lucchese è compiuta dai più lontani da lui, magari conservatori della più bell’acqua, oppure tipi Narcisi e istrionici della politica e del giornalismo che approfittano per crearsi una biografia fake, to highlight and act as interpreters of a new politically correct etiquette: the "pannunzianesimo snob." Thinking of course, being a snob, most in the world, selling short (about 15 000 copies) to the Risorgimento Liberale, who sold much, much more Unit (100,000 against 40,000). The
Pannunzio abusive, again, may be right or left, because in the general crisis of identity and ideology instrumentalization of the liberal icons is tempting everyone from Senator Pera, anti-secularist and pro-Ratzinger's (and the poor in Pannunzio tomb makes a half turn on itself), until the commentator Scalfari, Pannunzio declared by himself in a strange, almost Last comic will "persona non grata" to his future funerals (another half-turn in his grave). But yes, it was purely a funeral Pannunzio: think, Scalfari in a black eye in order not to follow the coffin, unseen by anyone but immortalized by a camera, one kilometer away from such great coffin. A surreal film to Bunuel.
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liberal intellectual has been discussed in Rome in a round table at the publisher Rubbettino, who brought a brief collection of contributions by Pier Luigi Battista, Marcello Staglieno, Girolamo Cotroneo, George Gallino, Charles Sodini, Mirella Serri, Pier Franco Quaglieni, Angiolo Bandinelli, Mario Soldati (" Mario Pannunzio. From the World Longanesi ", pp.155, € 14) by Pier Quaglieni Franco, director of the Center Pannunzio di Torino, founded many years ago, in very difficult times of snob-pannunzianesimo, Olivetti and Soldiers. To discuss
were Mirella Serri, Marina Valensise, Angiolo Bandinelli, Andrea Velardi, Nico Valerio and Pier Franco Quaglieni, presented by the editor of Rubbettino.
What can I say? Since time is running out and the good manners prevent you from reading a long note, I will note here the schematic on which I improvised the speech, saying, unfortunately, to refine the report and not be boring, half of half of the concepts that I set to say.
Well, the concepts were these:
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Pannunzio and Cavour: ALMOST PARALLEL LIVES. This centenary Pannunzio (Pannunzio was wise enough to be born in 1910, exactly one hundred years after Cavour, who was also his legend) was at one pull to the jacket, the wax statue of the Great Lucchese, brilliant inventor of the World, Smarter Italian newspaper. And indeed, there were clubs, groups and committees pannunziani who have made the struggle between them. But the plural
theft of the corpse appears unjustified, because the liberals of yesterday, which Pannunzio was a great example, were quite different from those of today, unlike moderate Pannunzio not so much in political choices, but to intelligence and ideas.
singular coincidence of the centenary of Pannunzio with the bicentenary of the birth of Cavour, and you begin to celebrate the 150. Unification of Italy. The case is fun to put together events that then read by men, take on a significant value. Pannunzio will certainly appreciate that century's exact distance from its Cavour had his official portrait in full uniform on his desk
but also suggests other similarities between the two men liberals. Although Pannunzio was a true intellectual, and since his youth, while Cavour, winning its own complex, it becomes in adulthood.
In fact, in hindsight, both
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1. Had a family of high level, but any adolescence and youth, which did not bode very ingenious.
2. He measured with his father, the family and the authorities, often in harsh contrast.
3. They took the top (and with difficulty) roads other than those that would have made them famous.
4. They loved the good life, women and the social life and entertainment.
5. They had the "turning point" of their life much later, around 30-40 years.
6. They reached the pinnacle of notoriety around 50.
7. They changed the profession by chance, and thus achieving what was then known as their great commitment liberal.
8. They used their position as power, prestige and visibility to "impose liberalism" to the attention of society. The liberal revolution made from above, that "the government or from the desk."
9. They were tough anti-conservative (among their opponents: Carlo Alberto, Piedmontese Army, Revel, churches, whatever, Fascism, Leoni, Malagodi etc.).
10. They were true liberals, but opposed by other liberals, the Right and Left (Revel, Balbo, D'Azeglio, Sine, Lorenzo Valerio, Brofferio, Lucifer, Malagodi etc.).
11. They were avowedly liberal "moderates", but in reality progress. Cavour had enemies above Right. Pannunzio said more volte: “Il partito liberale non è un partito conservatore… Non è un partito di destra. Non difende interessi e privilegi costituiti. Non spalleggia l’alta borghesia, l’alta industria, l’alta finanza. Se forze reazionarie stanno veramente ‘in agguato’, siano pur certe che i liberali non saranno al loro fianco . ( Risorgimento Liberale , 1944). E ancora: “ Partito conservatore o partito liberale democratico? Partito di destra o di centro, centro-sinistra? Naturalmente è la seconda ipotesi, è cioè la seconda strada che vorremmo che i liberali ufficiali seguissero ” (1951, lettera privata ).
12. Dichiararono più volte di essere riformisti e non rivoluzionari [P.: “ Centro ‘evoluzionista’ non rivoluzionario ”. C. riuscì a far approvare le riforme liberali solo agitando lo spettro, altrimenti, della rivoluzione].
13. Fecero un “connubio” non con la Destra ma con forze di Sinistra moderata e liberale, pur escludendo rigorosamente la Sinistra estrema e massimalista [C.: con la Sinistra liberale di Lorenzo Valerio, proprio per isolare l’Estrema e i rivoluzionari repubblicani. P. da parte sua fu attento non solo ai democratici, ma anche ai socialdemocratici, apprezzando la politica di Saragat, il riformismo liberale nel Regno Unito (il programma di Welfare del liberale Beveridge col governo laburista) e negli USA (New Deal di Roosevelt]
14. Erano accentratori e si occuparono sempre di tutto, avocando a sé anche i minuti particolari.
15. Dominarono per personalità, fantasia e forza di volontà il loro ambiente. Una volta scomparsi, nessuno fu capace di sostituirli. Perciò non ebbero eredi.
16. Entrambi morirono troppo precocemente, intorno ai 50 anni.
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Ma Pannunzio ebbe anche altri elementi in comune con Cavour. Fu EUROPEO, ANGLOSASSONE, INTELLETTUALE TOTALE, unica figura nell’Italia moderna di intellettuale a tutto campo. “L’intellettuale, per noi, è una figura intera. L’uomo politico, se non vuole essere un puro faccendiere, is also an intellectual. " In a sense it was also RENAISSANCE (Renaissance and the rest of the Renaissance there is no semantic difference). The humanism of P. confirms that human intelligence turns him around everywhere and no limits. It takes care of everything and is interested Pannunzio man with a sense of ethical and aesthetic ( Kalos kai Agathos) of classical (greek-roman). Hence the VERSATILITY 'Leonardo, eclecticism.
Risorgimento. Pannunzio it was for reasons of history, ideology, thought, action (voluntarism). Can be defined as the ultimate intellectual renaissance.
PASSION. High and pervasive, as in Cavouir (cfr. Croce).
ATTIVISMO. Protagonismo individualistico in Pannunzio, sia pure col massimo risparmio di mezzi e di tempi (era nota la sua pigrizia “efficiente”), addirittura febbrile e patologica frenesia di lavoro e organizzativa in Cavour, tale da essere insostenibile perfino per i suoi collaboratori e per l’intera classe politica (piemontese!)
E’ possibile, inoltre, disegnare un sintetico e indicativo “diagramma pannunziano”:
1. GIORNALISMO COME POLITICA. Pannuncio fu certamente un politico vero e proprio, più che giornalista. Non solo analizzare la realtà, dunque, ma modificarla profondamente, ecco il proposito del suo programma personale e politico-giornalistico. Quel che is certain is that it was crucial for the whole world, secular and democratic-liberal. For 20 years and above (1944-68) filled the void of Liberals of all persuasions.
2. POLITICAL CULTURE AS.
3. ETHICAL CULTURE AND POLITICS AS. The moral rigor that had in common with the Action Party, Salvemini, Rossi and Valiani,
4. ETHICAL as a beautician.
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It is also possible the palindrome, that is, getting back in the diagram opposite, equally eloquent and intriguing
Aesthetics as Ethics (and indeed beauty is a sign of an inner order, rule of reason), Ethics as Culture, Culture as Politics, Politics as a journalist.
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Another element in common with Cavour is:
FREEDOM 'As a lay person'. Ie ability to separate and leave the ideas of man from the dictatorship of any kind of dogma (religion, totalitarianism of the Right and Left, academies, etc.). this is very European and Anglo-Saxon. And yet cavourriano.
Some will say, but it was not "secular" ... Of course that was secular, but because he understood Italian. Secularist extremism is not a layman, but only those who want a secular state. Who wants to know more about this site to go short essay "Secularism, secularism, anti-clericalism" which reproduces the lecture in your own home Rubbettino of the School of liberalism. .
STYLE, character and personality '. Pannunzio practiced in journalism and life style opposite to that of its abysmally late, abusive followers. In fact, he preached and
SOBRIETY '. He could not stand the rhetoric, neither the grandiloquent political jargon, nor abstruse "philosophemes. In an Italy verbose urged journalists to "prune", "scratch", ie to eliminate unnecessary words, phrases, platitudes, using the short summary and all the facts, Anglo-Saxon. It was not only (and good) titles, take the side of the player, but also the editorial rewriting, the rewriting. Not to be confused col rewriting stilistico anonimo (Sechi a Panorama, Espresso). Perché Il Mondo doveva corrispondere, pur nella dialettica interna, ad un progetto unitario, ad una idea. Pur essendo pluralista era il disegno di un uomo. Era, dunque,
ANTIPAROLAIO. In un’Italia di avvocati, letterati di provincia e oratori-retori che facevano-fanno della retorica parolaia il mezzo espressivo principale.
ANTI-PROVINCIALE. Nel senso che volava alto, si poneva problemi grandi e generali, in un’Italia che vede tutto “in piccolo”, dedita al “particulare” di Guicciardini, interessata solo alle piccole beghe locali o di municipio (come alla locale squadra di calcio), che protesta per una strada ma si disinteressa ottusamente the common good of the nation. The success of the Southern League and similar movements or neo-Bourbon is explained by this historic national character.
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Pannunzio transpired in the commitment of the World and even more items:
DOWNSIZING POLICY. Restored the correct hierarchy of culture (first), beauty (2) and political (3). Though all - thought - was the culture and politics, politics was not everything to him. Clear distinction between ideology (which is the culture of politics and philosophy) and political practice (thing wheeler).
ETHICS OF WORK WELL DONE. Perfectionism was really Pannunzio of ethical-aesthetic.
SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM. Paradoxically, one that almost did not write taught to write dozens of journalists, including famous. But then, who really was Pannunzio?
JOURNALIST? No, rather a "midwife", a maieuta of journalists and newspapers. What then, is clearly meant "doing politics by other means." Which relates rather to the categories of Beauty, of Truth, the Polis and the History of Ideas.
great political project. The world was a grand synthesis in the modern liberal project.
SNOB? No, the world was not a snob, if anything, in the best sense, "aristocratic", "nob", yet simple, natural, synthetic, Anglo-Saxon.
childless Pannunzio? Do not repeat too much. On the other hand what does it mean? None. Sure, are not visible clones Pannunzio or his favorite students, but its positions, the mix of culture, politics, aesthetics and personalities that made P. an apparent unicuum , are well known and therefore recoverable. I will say a foolish thing as far as conformist as the world sold few copies and was in deficit, even today - why not? - Could be achieved. Sure. The heirs are not, or could be neither Scalfari Pannella, too different from him, histrionic, redundant, self-referential, marinated, however excessive, often poles apart. Other than the neu nimis (never too much) of Pannunzio!
In fact, it is true that today the environment political and social activity is very different from the time of Pannunzio. There will be more liberal intellectuals to Pannunzio, unfortunately, but the basic liberal media has increased enormously compared to his time. It 's true that today's mass society, but it is also true that communism has collapsed and liberalism has spread everywhere, and won, albeit watered down (thanks to Union Eropea, TV and Anglo-Saxon influence patterns of life ) today almost all said they were "liberal." Yesterday, at the time of P. almost everyone was against liberalism, even today, housewives and the Communists have accepted many of the teni L, albeit at low level.
This makes us understand that the "childless" refers not at the time, but the shortage of colorful characters.
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Audio-video of the pedestal blog " Nico Valerio " .

Funny Thing To Write In Wedding Card

Door "Pia", indeed. From that passage now entering the clergy, with left and right

"The UAR, Italian association of atheists and agnostics, argues that today the Church will go to Canossa. It will be the state to go to Canossa just like he did with Henry IV. Cardinal Bertone will be a Porta Pia the Head of State and remember the breach with which the shooters entered Rome in order to make capital of the new State of Savoy, but liberal. The UAR compares the presence of Merkel's Bertone that in Normandy, as the recognition of a defeat and commitment to the values \u200b\u200bof the winners. I can not share the optimism of this interpretation of the EU. In fact, if it is true that the breach of Porta Pia recorded the defeat of the Church's temporal power, this has not lessened its grip on the Italian population, and in 1929 he returned to be a state. In 1984, the renewal of the Lateran Pacts increased the power of the Church on Italy, who confirmed the nature of the Concordat was sovereign and not a specialty recognized by the Church reiterated article 7 and 8 of the Constitution. Over the last twenty years by the governments of the center-left and center-right than those presided over by Berlusconi the Vatican has been sensational privileges. Receives funding from all the government starting with the proceeds from the state and eight per thousand calculated fraudulent finance its expansion plans and creation of enclaves in the Catholic world as those of East Timor, Sudan, Rwanda, which have caused millions of deaths. The Catholic religion is the only state in the world that is. An absolute monarchy that unifies the three Pontiff in the legislative, executive and judiciary, which has never recognized the Declaration of Human Rights. A rich monarchy of unlimited resources and financed by laws that fail to make the contribution as the almost automatic deduction and other German workers.
As with the Italian law Gelmini reduced by about two hundred thousand teachers
the public school religion teachers appointed and controlled by the bishops are growing in number and are now about twenty-six thousand. The Italian Parliament is strictly controlled by the Church. A cardinal has set the direction of all matters of civil rights such as artificial insemination, abortion, homosexual unions, contraception ...
Three characters in the history of Italy contributed to the triumph of the Church and its reconquest of what was his temporal power now extended to the whole nation: Mussolini, Craxi and Berlusconi. While the Church was not at all grateful to Craxi and dropped at the first opportunity, his relationship with Berlusconi and the Italian right has been organic over the last twenty years. Cardinal Ruini was the architect of a power that is not only religious influence, of moral persuasion, but rich in concrete and tax liens. The breach of Porta Pia
allows the eruption and spread of clericalism in the Italian State. Clericalism which was held at bay by great Catholic lay people such as De Gasperi and almost the entire leadership of the DC who defended secular state much more than they did the communists. Just yesterday the addition of center-left Pesaro has earmarked one million euro to the private school as evidence of a shift is altering the sectarian connotations
constitutional state. We no longer have men like Spadolini and Catholic historians of great depth and intelligence Carlo Arturo Iemolo as secular. The story of the cross is evidence of a humiliating unconditional surrender of the State whose independence and freedom has been defended by a few enlightened people like the judge Luigi Tosti, however, that they paid a very hard person and their faith in the liberal state that wanted to Cavour: "Free Church in the Free State." The politicians of today are the fifth columns of ideology Sanfedists helpful: just think about the fact that it is permitted by law of conscientious objection of doctors hospital on abortion, a legal infamy that makes life difficult and even dangerous for women as we have seen in the recent case of abortion in a toilet at the Policlinico di Messina. Tomorrow we will then
the plastic representation of the defeat of the secular state with the presence of Cardinal Bertone and President Napolitano. The Mayor of Rome has recognized the predominantly Catholic in Rome as the capital and have no doubt that Napolitano, during his speech, he will explain how exciting and beautiful to share the values \u200b\u200bCatholics who, needless to say, even if we do not share, there are imposed by law.
It is no coincidence that this triumph, this reversal of the course of history, takes place during the rule of right-wing ideology. No coincidence that Ratzinger has minimized the damage moral and social insecurity in perfect harmony with the law Trent: "The permanent position does not bring happiness, better believe in God" and the Observer Romano appoggia l'avventura coloniale contro i popoli che hanno la disgrazia di abitare luoghi con giacimenti petroliferi.
In perfetta sintonia con la demagogia della riconciliazione che mette partigiani e fascisti di Salò sullo stesso piano, domani si ricorderanno i soldati papalini con i bersaglieri morti. Bipartisan sarà il ricordo che li unirà in un evento storico violentato nei suoi contenuti, svuotato come si vuole svuotare la resistenza italiana e la lotta di liberazione.
PIETRO ANCONA

** I-catcher Console - Web Monitor

The genius of Cavour. Thanks to his temper with Italy was united and free

A leggere la documentata e bellissima biografia di Adriano Viarengo ( Cavour , Salerno ed., pp.564, 2010), che unisce per la prima volta il Cavour uomo al Cavour Parliamentary and diplomatic statesman Cavour, it is confirmed - but with many innovations and new details - of the centrality, indeed the indispensability of the figure of Camillo Benso, the process of Italian unity, and the start of the "liberal revolution" then, Cavour died and the new political classes mostratesi deficient post-unification, it will stop or at least slow down at the end of the nineteenth century. So much so that the liberal "left" Piero Gobetti, while praising Cavour and the Risorgimento define a revolution "unfinished". Wrong, however, the Marxist Gramsci to talk about "no revolution".
A process of unification and almost a revolution "imposed" by force and adjusted with extreme cleverness by Cavour, very good at countering the clericalism of the Church's power, and military and diplomatic advantage of the slowness of Austria, as well as the evolution of domestic politics and military of France, of which he was expert.
Stubborn, stubborn, perhaps because cadet had to suffer the weight of a conservative family and an elder brother of authoritarian and reactionary (which went so far as to publish in a newspaper a letter clerical against him at Siccardi laws, and that even when Camillo was Prime Minister did weigh on him the privilege of Majorat), seemed to always have something personal against authoritarianism, against Austria, the Papal States, and even France, where the volatile political history led her to betray the revolution and become reactionary. Even the Academy and then in a short-lived military appeared impatient and rebellious nature of the hierarchies and discipline dullness, marrying every liberal cause, as to be placed under observation by police Albertine.
a battle so intense, that of Cavour in Italy, colored in deep veins and emotional character, as to seem inexplicable, if not for reasons psychological and intellectual. Not only was he born maverick, had been part of Young Italy and was trained in liberal circles in Geneva and Paris, but it was above all a great admirer of Britain from which it imported (see the youth trip with his friend Santarosa) modernizations, such as the elimination of barriers to the free market, railways, agriculture and so rational. Other than taste for power, was so intimately passionate Italy free, economically and politically, independent and united (at first only to the North did not dare hope for more) - he was born with French citizenship - that even the deathbed, delirious, churches finally moved to a king, who did not understand and even had repeatedly tried to oust him, had finally arrived from the United States the long-awaited recognition of the new Kingdom of Italy.
So, after reading the book, one realizes with some dismay that the unification of Italy and the dose from a horse of liberalism "taxes" from Cavour were successful thanks to his tenacity and his frank cunning, exercised in the light of the sun, as Gobetti recognized and admired. But even in fortuitous circumstances and adventurous. It was truly a miracle that even now could not happen again. On the other hand, other than active minorities liberals, who saw all middle-class, popular and enlightened aristocrats, aristocracy and the vast majority of the Italian people were reactionary or conservative, especially as ignorant. That's why the Liberals were holding so much to education popular public notice. While the school "private" was also then that the priests, who despise science and modernity. A liberal revolution
singular, therefore, primarily the result of "temper" of Cavour, famous and feared for his outbursts against those who - too moderate or conservative, or too slow to understand - put a spoke in the wheels of his mind fast and volcanic . That explains everything, including politics and the Italian company today, especially in the south
Only Cavour could "make Italy", and made with cunning and arrogance. Not the abstract and unrealistic Mazzini, who, after every attack in which he sent into the fray so many young people sheltered in Switzerland o in Gran Bretagna, e neanche da solo il militarmente abile e coraggioso ma politicamente confusionario Garibaldi. E neanche i liberali della Sinistra che, nientedimeno, si erano illusi di "fare la rivoluzione liberale con il Re" Carlo Alberto, tantomeno l'ala neo-guelfa, quegli ingenui liberali cattolici, più volte traditi e ridicolizzati dall'ambiguo e reazionario papa Pio IX, che divennero poi i suoi più acerrimi nemici.
Con il re Vittorio Emanuele che gli era nemico e non pensava ad altro che a licenziarlo, con più di mezza classe politica contraria (era accusato o di essere troppo moderato o troppo radicale e anticlericale), con i tanti liberali borghesi che gli rimproveravano di essere aristocratico, con l'aristocrazia e la ricca bourgeoisie hostile to him because he had correctly imposed higher taxes on the wealthy (so even himself), with very strong internal and external opponents, having against Austria, France and the Papacy, and, moreover, being obnoxious to everyone, Cavour, only against all, did the unification of Italy, even in his own life, a secular miracle. The Viarengo this clarity in the objectives, this determination, this "fixation" intellectual Cavour for the unification of Italy and very effectively portrays liberalism as his mission, his bet with his life, his "gambling ", a sort of personal challenge and at times lonely. And good for us, Cavour was blatantly lucky. That does not diminish but rather increases its great merits. A strong figure, in fact, carved in the round nell'altorilievo of the Risorgimento.
His only wrong was to die too soon. And certainly, as do some stupid, it can not be charged in those few years of not being able to also "do the Italians, with a second miracle erasing centuries of backwardness and cultural anthropology and civilian in southern provinces and governed by States authoritarian rulers and foreigners. Let us remember that the malpractice, civil strife and corruption greek-style were already in the South at the time of the Romans, who arrived at the point of "Commissioner" Neapolis (Naples), where he continued to speak greek long. And the flaws endemic to the "Greeks" Just read the stories of greek Polybius. .
The main result of Cavour was to have consigned to history, in a few years, an Italy united and not only independent but also free. "It will not be the last title of glory for Italy - Cavour wrote in 1860 - he had been able to form a nation without sacrificing the freedom of independence, without passing through the hands of a dictatorial Cromwell, but freeing herself from absolutism without falling into the revolutionary monarchical despotism "(*).

And that they had understood correctly and on time those of the Left Liberals in the parliament of Turin that had for years waged a fierce opposition to Cavour, especially their leader Lorenzo Valerio (see item Wikipedia encyclopedia written by us), one of the most important parliamentary Piedmont, which then, not only by virtue of turning radical and of the combination of Cavour Cavour and the Left to beat the Conservative Party, but the evidence that the method of Cavour worked, will become a cavourriano iron. Suffice it to say that in the Viarengo Valerio is mentioned more than 90 times.
Finally, the memory of Camillo Benso di Cavour, the true strength of Nature, active, super-manic worker (the first visitors summoned them at dawn, worked at night, no employee, colleague or opponent could keep up), forerunner bold, strong-willed up to appear arrogant, stubborn, rational, psychologist, together idealist and diplomat, and in any case - despite the overt "balance" - not at all moderate ideas, serving to confound two categories of political persons. The many demagogues and populists without ideas or ideals or ideologies, rather than enlighten, educate, in some way to force on voters pushing the common good and love for freedom, pursuing the worst instincts of the people (as this and other governments of the so-called Seconda Repubblica, addirittura peggiori di quelli della Prima). Ed i sedicenti "liberali" da poltrona - quanti, ieri e oggi! - moderati non delle idee ma dell'intelligenza, che prendono il liberalismo per generica opinione filosofica, non per una coerente dottrina dell'agire pratico, insomma per assenza o debolezza di idee, di convincimenti e progetti, come se fosse l'ideologia dei pigri e dei mediocri, il rifugio dei paurosi. Quanto sono lontani in tutto dal grande Cavour e dal Liberalismo!
NICO VALERIO
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*La frase fa parte di una lettera inviata da Cavour al liberale toscano sen.Vincenzo Salvagnoli, che gli aveva consigliato l'immediata proclamazione del Regno d’Italia e l’imposizione the state of siege. It was in 1860, Expedition of the Thousand successfully completed, with the help also of Piedmont sharpshooters in the crucial battle of the Volturno against the Bourbon army. Well, the answer to all his genius shows Cavour rational liberalism spotless - almost instinctively, it seems - and just consideration to the Parliament for the free press, for the same internal opponents (Garibaldi and the Republicans) to review the Italian and European (especially English). Compliance with the forms of the game and liberal and democratic common sense, ability to take the side of others, great instinct psychology. Beautiful letter. "Italy was born under good conditions." Says the Treccani website from which we took the document. But many Italian or European politicians, some also referred to as "men of state" could be compared to Cavour?
Here is the complete letter:
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Turin, October 2, 1860
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Salvagnoli My dear, I thank you for
m'avete letter written Sept. 30, but I disagree with you on recommendations contained therein.
A statement by the House that the whole of Italy belongs to our Kingdom would be superfluous to the public in Italy, and is tantamount to an indirect and therefore untimely declaration of war against Austria.
no less deadly I think, to tell you Frankly, the proposal by Parliament to grant full powers to the King until complete dissolution of all the Italian question. You no doubt recall what the English papers reproached the Italians for having suspended the constitutional guarenzie during the war last year. The renew now, in times of apparent peace, such a provision would have the most disastrous effect on public opinion in England, and by all the liberals on the continent. The interior of the state then, this measure does not apply to call certain harmony in the great national party. The best way to show how the country is averse to divide the theories of the grievances of Bertani and Mazzini and Crispi, has to leave the Parliament may perfectly free of censorship and control. The vote that will be enshrined in the great majority of the deputies will give the Ministry a moral authority far higher than any dictatorship.
Your Council will therefore implement the concept of Garibaldi, which is designed precisely to obtain a great revolutionary dictatorship to be exercised in the name of the King, without control of free press, Guarantees or individual MPs. I think instead I will not be the last title of glory for Italy to have been able to form a nation without sacrificing freedom to independence, without passing through the hands of a dictatorial Cromwell, but freeing herself from absolutism without falling into the revolutionary monarchical despotism.
Now, there's another way to achieve this purpose in the competition to draw Parliament's only moral force capable of winning seven and to retain the sympathies of liberal Europe. Back to the committees on public health, or, what comes back the same, the revolutionary dictatorship of one or more, would kill the freedom that we want legal inseparable companion of the nation's independence. Believe me always

C. Cavour
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(From Charles Cavour, Letters, XVII, 4, edited by Charles and Rosanna Pischedda Rock, Florence, Olschki, 2005, pp. S. 2131)

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IMAGES. 1. Cavour in a beautiful photograph of maturity. 2. Cavour young. 3. In triumph (a caricature of the Redeemed Whistle , 15 dic.1855). 4. The four "Fathers of the Nation" gathered only in iconography. In fact, the two standing fever and thought of the two horns sitting, who reciprocated, and even tried to stop them. The gentleman standing on the left was disliked by the other three. One sitting, with a mustache, he tried in every way to get rid of the other ladies sitting without a mustache (drawing on Pouring Apolloni, 15 August 1945). 5. Cavour and Garibaldi are Italy (Foggia, Harlequin , May 13, 1861). 6. Cavour super-employee works for four hands, while his co-workers collapse from sleep (Redeemed on Whistle , 22 June 1854). The cartoons, colored with Photoshop, are drawn by the beautiful site Foundation of Friends of Cavour, whom we thank.

Hypothyroidismcondition_symptoms

The genius of Cavour. The ruse concocted by the government of the liberal revolution

We read the brilliant Gobetti twenty years, the right age to read it. And we had forgotten about this track that the figure of Cavour. Now all the articles in the weekly Piero Gobetti Liberal Revolution have been computerized and made available in a site dedicated, and even - I think - in the original typefaces. Unfortunately, the title places
Articles Gobetti and search for topics too schematic does not help the researcher quickly Horizon site. There is a search by word, not even the names of the most significant political figures and historians. Instead, there are three very useful research: the authors of the articles, which can also be the distinguished strangers, the titles of articles (and did not know how Gobetti titles) and the subjects of the articles. And here we see the major shortcoming: the subjects (only a few dozen) are already set: you can only choose between them. But there are the most generic or obscure, and they lack the fundamental names. There are "Albania" and "Political life in Taranto, but Cavour, Garibaldi, Mazzini, Giolitti, etc. Sella. In our view, in other words, the storage of the liberal revolution should be completely redone.
In memory and honor of the major protagonists of the Italian Risorgimento, Camillo Benso di Cavour, which falls this year on 200.o anniversary of his birth (born August 10, 1810), we reproduce a page of the Liberal Revolution (a. II, No. 13, May 8, 1923) in which the young and intellectual appassionatissimo Cavour Turin portrays his part, including through arguments curious and unusual.
baseless, for example, there seems to use a separate, almost opposite, terms liberalism and liberalism about his work when the natural continuity, perfect, among all the freedom, the market for religion, it seems - also from the biography of Viarengo - the salient feature of the life of Cavouir.
And then, the article ends well: everything we expected, except that the pragmatic and very little intellectual Cavour, as he himself admitted, was reviewed post mortem to the sound of quotes from Hegel, indeed, and entered without his fault in polemics or philosophical currents of thought which now appear very provincial (NV).
.
"It was very fortunate for a people who could not distinguish between Cattaneo and Gioberti, Cavour which is driving it, the diplomacy of Cattaneo, who was able to avoid the barren of the revolution in a tyranny. The conflict between Cavour and Vittorio Emanuele II, king of mediocre and denied to the understanding of the times, it was in this sense the real Providence Italian unity.
Minister Piedmont above his contemporaries because it looks the same problems with the eye of a statesman. However, his figure is something more than an example of the consciousness of a governor who could be offered by the ministers of 700. genius and perseverance not taught to govern Italy and the reaction of the seven clerical. The Cavour is rather singular virtue of the frankness of his cunning. He was a diplomat who could speak to the crowds and, without begging the favor, he never stopped or reduced the strength that comes from the enthusiasm of a people. The prevailing mores of demagoguery and theocracy Cavour was able to begin the process of a modern liberal revolution, despite having only an army and a dynasty. Educator and creator of the membership found the people without a bribe. Compared with the politicians who followed him, except Sella, is of another race: for the same Depretis and Giolitti, who also has the mind of a statesman, the proper term of comparison is not Cavour, but Rattazzi, equilibrium model of misunderstanding and demagoguery.
Instead, the possibility of Cavour, while not indulging in professions of faith or programs, do not compromise the future. He was able to disarm the radical with the union with Rattazzi, which was more a victory that alliance and stopped clericalism with a firm ecclesiastical politics, but moderate and populist.
Economic freedom was the pivot of education on which he set its popular action. Why the revolution triumphed against the reaction was deemed necessary that freedom by founding the private and public life, fighting protectionism, he opened the Piedmont to a direct communication with the European economic activity and created a movement activity and initiative allowed the state to deal with twenty years of political adventure. Cavour's liberalism was to bring new forces into national life works: achieving without corrupting the practices of the policy of his philanthropy charity openly opposed to the indifference of the rulers to the lower classes. While
created the conditions in the popular life goals for a modern revival of the economy based on the imperatives of religion and not on dreams, Cavour's liberalism was the central element of its foreign policy. With a century-long tradition of diplomatic cunning too, forced to rely only on their personal dignity because not supported by the sentiment of the nation, the Italians had become strangers to European policy, lest they offered no guarantee and could not be based on real needs and positive virtues to participate in the international balance. Cavour was able to give Europe the example of a practice of liberal government with dignity, able to keep its commitments and gain the confidence of the country. In front of Austria, he showed the possibility of a national government that did not need to resort to the state of siege.
But the masterpiece of Cavour - admittedly, after many misunderstandings - was the ecclesiastical policy. He realized the futility of all struggle against Catholicism in a Catholic country and the need to fight the Church not on dogmatic grounds, but on the formal problem of freedom of conscience. Understood according to these principles, the formula free church in a free state is no longer found in the philosophy of an ambiguous law, but a trick of international politics and the proof of the virtues of diplomacy and maturity of the new constitutional state. Leaving the tribunes and the leaders of the political struggle with the task of fighting dogmatism and paying the free culture function to process the new ideologies, Cavour forced the champions of the Middle Ages to accept a truth to fight a modern ruling. His reverence for the Church and felt only his sense of measure and its deep conviction that the independence of a modern people could not based on a populist anti-clerical propaganda. You could not go beyond Catholicism if you forgot the Catholic tradition.
Compared with the complex reasons for the work promoted by the statesman appears dry dogmatic critics opposed to the Hegelian formula Cavour theoretical of intolerance and even more pedantically by Vera.
GM Bertini was among the critics of ecclesiastical politics Cavour the only one who touched the reasons far more delicate and difficult postulating the need for a relentless polemic against the residues of absolutism inherent in any policy inspired by the Church. Except that these reasons then taken by the thought of Bertini Spaventa and Right Hegelian were valid to prevent any Rebirth of a misunderstanding in the fight against neo-Guelph and the ideas of national culture, could not inspire a state policy that must take into account the Vatican as part of the international diplomatic life. In reality the work of Cavour was the most vigorous opposition to any interference by the neo-Guelph, his politics were far more astute than he might be suggested by any ideology immanent defeated because absolutism resources completely realistic. Under the administration here was also the politician who had solved the most difficult problems of the modern spirit.
Piero Gobetti
.
IMAGES. 1. Cavour and Garibaldi create chemical Italy put in the still, one by one, all regions (the elect, The Whistle, November 10, 1860). 2. Cavour challenged by the liberal left of Lorenzo Valerio, and Angelo Brofferio before Marriage (Redeemed, The Whistle , April 6, 1858). Note: the cartoons, lightly colored with Photoshop, are drawn by the beautiful site of the Friends of the Foundation Cavour, whom we thank.

Ortho Total Lawn And Garden Insect Killer

Belgium, the Catholic clergy is not Italy: there was a bishop like everyone

Some faces speak. And there is only one of the card. Sepe, involved in economic and political scandals of the Propaganda Fide. The expression "tough guy", aggressive, very mild and not very Christian, Secretary of State Card. Bertone, at least as it appeared in the papers these days about the umpteenth Catholic pedophilia scandal, this time in Belgium, speaks more than one hundred essays full identification of the Church through meditation, prayer, admitting their sins , the renunciation of the world, poverty, and altruism, but by force, arrogance, control, power. This is nothing new, but an unwelcome confirmation millennia.
The Church or the popes, the cardinals, the Roman Curia, bishops, did everything in its long history, repeatedly resorting to deception and forgery (starting with the figure of Jesus and the "Donation of Constantine" that doveva giustificare il suo potere terreno), ma anche alla violenza psicologica, alle conversioni forzate, alla tortura e al delitto. Ma guai a chi le fa il minimo sgarbo. Abituata a comandare, ad accusare, a condannare e reprimere senza appello, continua ad avere un insopportabile atteggiamento arrogante, assai poco "cristiano", e non tollera minimamente di essere - una volta tanto - accusata e trattata come tutti. Grida subito alla "mancanza di libertà". Vecchia solfa che ormai non incanta più nessuno. E, allora, la libertà delle migliaia di persone che in 2000 anni la Chiesa ha plagiato, censurato, condannato, imprigionato, torturato, ucciso? Ora, poi, ci sono anche le migliaia di bambini e adolescenti perseguitati dai tanti preti pedophiles. In Belgium, these crimes were numerous and people are rightly exasperated. It is not clear how the face of bronze, in times like these, the Church rather than repent, sprinkle ashes on their heads, he ordered his central and local leaders to resign en masse, even dares to raise its voice.
Just say mid-nineteenth century to impose the penalty of excommunication for politicians Piedmont Act convents, Belgium today accused of being "worse than the communist countries" only because the investigators at the serious crime of pedophilia, the bishops have treated the same way how they treat other people under investigation and interrogation. As shown in the harsh criticism of the press of Julius Caesar, for No Vallocchia God as a comment on the article by which we reproduce America today, "the Belgian courts deny, and knowing the proverbial capacity for lies and deception of which they are capable by 2000 years the leaders of the SS Peter, we are more inclined to believe that the Belgians not to the hierarchy. Among other things, is not even true that they have been deprived of food and beverages during the interview. But public opinion is with the Belgian courts in a civilized country because no one is above the law. And the Belgium is not Italy, where to investigate a pedophile priest or a bishop thief must ask permission from his knees Catholic hierarchy "(Vallocchia, No God). But let the word to the Italian language newspaper in the U.S., America Oggi (Nico Valerio).
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BRUSSELS. The prosecutor rejected the accusations made yesterday by Secretary of State Tarcisio Bertone against Belgian investigators ["Worse than the communist countries", Ed], for the treatment of the bishops of the archdiocese during the search Mechel-Brussels. The bishops were given the opportunity to eat and drink, said the spokesman, Jean-Marc Meilleur, speaking RTBF issuer. The same spokesman said that searches were carried out by "professionals who know their job and respect the rights of people."
During the day, the Belgian bishops' conference spokesman Eric de Buekelaer said that the Church could decide to take legal action against the raids carried out Thursday by the police. The archbishop also asked to be able to recover the computers seized during the search, because without this equipment the activity of the headquarters of the Catholic Church in Belgium is to remain paralyzed. In front of the wrath of the Vatican, yesterday did not intervene nor the Foreign Ministry nor the Belgian justice.
speak for themselves were the main columnists. Justice has finally launched a "clear signal that the Church is not above the law," said the Flemish daily 'De Morgen', sums up the position expressed by Most commentators have taken on the Belgian clash between the Vatican and Belgium triggered by the manner in which the judiciary and police have conducted raids last Thursday. In a country with an ancient Catholic tradition, but where the secular state is sacrosanct and inviolable and pedophilia is a nightmare, the media - as does the other great Flemish magazine 'Der Standaard' - they recognize that in some cases the initiatives taken during the search made Mechel-Residence in Brussels and in the crypt of the Cathedral of St. Rombaut were "disproportionate".
said that, however, in an editorial published on the main francophone newspaper, 'Le Soir', one wonders what "game stia giocando la Chiesa quando sostiene che nel cercare di identificare i preti che hanno abusato di minori, la giustizia si rende colpevole di una doppia violenza". E un altro commento, pubblicato sullo stesso giornale sotto un articolo dal titolo "i religiosi, una casta superiore", osserva: "Il Vaticano preferisce le tombe alle vittime". A essere messo sotto accusa è soprattutto l'accordo raggiunto da poco, sotto l'egida del ministro della giustizia, con la commissione voluta dalla Chiesa e guidata dal professor Peter Andriaenssen che ha il compito di indagare sugli abusi sessuali compiuti dai preti. Un accordo "forse lodevole nelle intenzioni" ma "sbilenco" poiché, si sottolinea su ‘La Libre Belgique', "lascia alla Chiesa un Curious leeway. "It does not take into account that the confidentiality of information collected in the event of serious crimes, takes a back seat to the need for judicial investigation. It has done well - he concludes the editorial - the investigating judge De Troy ( the one who ordered the searches, ed), which fortunately is granted independence, to take up the reins of the investigation. "

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Quando si è veramente un Professionista

With this statement, Maria Luisa Busi leaves the conduct of the Tg1 Minzolini. She writes in a letter he posted on the board of editors.

to Dr. Augusto Minzolini
the CDR
PC Dr. Paul Garimberti
pc Prof. Mauro Masi
pc Dr. Luciano FLOWS

Dear Editor,

you ask to be relieved from the task of conducting the 20th edition of Tg1, having determined that a situation does not allow me to perform this task without prejudice to my professional beliefs.
This is' a difficult choice for me, but obligatory.
consider the editorial that you wanted to give the paper a sort of a diversion, because of which the TG1 is likely to crash into a permanent loss of credibility 'in respect of viewers.
As the president of the Vigilance Commission RAI Sergio Zavoli: "the bigger Italian texts, giving up its traditional structure has seen transform together with its identity ', a traditional part of listening."
I love this newspaper, where I work for 21 years. 'Cause a great newspaper. It 'was the sale of newspaper, Frajese, Longhi, Morrione, Fava, Giuntella. Il giornale delle culture diverse, delle idee diverse. Le conteneva tutte, era questa la sua ricchezza. Era il loro giornale, il nostro giornale. Anche dei colleghi che hai rimosso dai loro incarichi e di molti altri qui dentro che sono stati emarginati.
Questo e’ il giornale che ha sempre parlato a tutto il Paese. Il giornale degli italiani. Il giornale che ha dato voce a tutte le voci. Non e’ mai stato il giornale di una voce sola.
Oggi l’informazione del TG1 e’ un’informazione parziale e di parte.
Dov’e’ il paese reale? Dove sono le donne della vita reale? Quelle che devono aspettare mesi per una mammografia, se non possono pagarla? Quelle coi wages worst in Europe, those who are struggling every day to go 'cause there's no nursery' place for all our children? must be to raise the blood and die for the honor of one of our title. And where are the women and men who have lost their jobs? A million people, behind which are their families.
Where are the young, for the first time with a worse future of the fathers? And the forty still precarious, 800 euro per month, which can not even buy a couch, let alone giving birth to a child? And where are the cassintegrati Alitalia? What happened? And hundreds of companies and entrepreneurs that are closing the northeast who commit suicide because ' failed? Where
'that Italy we have a duty to tell? That Italy exists. But the TG1 has dropped. Also I buy toilet paper for my daughter who attends first grade in a public school. But that evening, the TG1 of 20, we give space only to ministers and Gelmini Brunetta presenting the new great project for the digitization of the school, including a digital whiteboard.
Italy experiencing a crisis in social and 'over the siding of our indifference. Squeezed between information of a party - an editorial on justice, one against the repentant Mafia, another on the investigation of Trani in which you said not to be investigated, belied by the facts the next day - el'infotainment newspaper: how many times should wash their hands every day, hunting the crocodile in the lake, the antiscippo underpants.
An editorial choice with which we are enriching the scripts of the programs of satire and impoverishing our reputation as the first newspaper of the public service of the most 'important company in the country's cultural.
addition to citizens, they are paying for so many good colleagues who could devote more satisfaction surveys to many other more 'high profile and interest.
A journalist has a unique tool to defend their professional beliefs: to raise his signature piece.
A conductor, a conductor, puo’ soltanto levare la propria faccia, a questo punto. Nell’affidamento dei telespettatori e’ infatti al conduttore che viene ricollegata la notizia. E’ lui che ricopre primariamente il ruolo di garante del rapporto di fiducia che sussiste con i telespettatori.
I fatti dell’Aquila ne sono stata la prova.
Quando centinaia di persone hanno inveito contro la troupe che guidavo al grido di vergogna e scodinzolini, ho capito che quel rapporto di fiducia che ci ha sempre legato al nostro pubblico era davvero compromesso. E’ quello che accade quando si privilegia la comunicazione all’informazione, la propaganda alla verifica. Un’ultima annotazione piu’ personale.
Ho fatto dell’onesta’ e della lealta’ lo stile della mia vita e della mia professione.
Dissentire non e’ tradire. Non rammento chi lo ha detto recentemente.
Pertanto:1) respingo l’accusa di avere avuto un comportamento scorretto.
Le critiche che ho espresso pubblicamente - ricordo che si tratta di un mio diritto oltre che di un dovere essendo una consigliera della FNSI - le avevo gia’ mosse anche nelle riunioni di sommario e a te, personalmente. Con spirito di leale collaborazione, pensando che in un lavoro come il nostro la circolazione delle idee e la pluralita’ delle opinioni costituisca un arricchimento.
Per questo ho continuato a condurre in questi mesi. Ma e’ palese che non c’e’ piu’ alcuno spazio for the democratic process to TG1.
are the times of the single thought. Who is there and 'out, sooner or later.
2) reject the accusation that I 'move was biting the hand that feeds.
I remember the food and 'that of a simple left, which simply asks that the dish contains the right ingredients. All honest. And I want to clarify that you have always refused compensation out of the Rai, lavishly offered by large companies for the faces called to present their conventions, believing that a reporter from the public service should not profit from their role.
3) reject as insulting statements in your letter after the interview with Republic, letter in which you called the company a disciplinary action against me: I've been accused of "damaging the newspaper I work for, with my statements on the data of listening.
data made publicly confirmed those statements. I also find it ironic
your consideration the following: "give the TG1 'account of the views of minorities, but not shocked' the facts in deference to ideological campaigns." I can tell you that the only campaign to which I devote myself and 'the one where I spend the weekends with his family. I hope you can say the same. Conversely I have noticed that has not raised a word against your violent smear campaign that the newspaper Il Giornale, Free and the weekly Panorama - even using improperly business mail me direct - have lined up against me after my criticism of your editorial. An attack on clock: immediately discredit those who disagree to weaken the value of its claims. I have been called "shear ciacolante - talkative girl - reporter without news, without editorial columnist" and so on. Not
's what I said handing the President Ciampi Saint Vincent Prize for journalism, the Quirinale.
respond to these cowards' my office.
But know that it is not 'sure why I leave the conduct of 20. Thomas Bernhard writes in Old Masters dozens of times a word that I love very much: we live rispetto.Non of admiration, he says, but 'we bisogno.Caro Director of respect, I believe we need more respect. For news, the public, for the truth '. What I feel for the history of TG1, for my company, leads me to this decision. Respect for viewers, our single point of contact. We should always remember. You would have a duty too.

Marialuisa Busi

Rome, May 20, 2010

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The Sicilians call Garibaldi (and Bergamo) contro gli odiati Borboni

history teaches. BUT ONLY IF YOU 'willing to learn. History teaches? Of course, we wondered in a article Salon Voltaire on May 5 last time the shipment of one thousand, but only if you have a minimum of intelligence and culture. That is why our classe dirigente, soprattutto i politici, non hanno imparato niente.
LA SICILIA E GLI ANTENATI DEI "PADANI" CON GARIBALDI. Le ridicole Leghe del Nord e del Sud che oggi sputano falsità da osteria sul Risorgimento, i liberali, i "piemontesi", Cavour e Garibaldi, ignorano la Storia e mostrano di non avere alcuna idealità, visto che la Storia è sempre storia di libertà. Ristretti nel loro cinismo da bottegai di villaggio che non vedono al di là del campanile, non sanno che furono proprio i siciliani – Crispi, La Masa, Rosalino Pilo, La Farina, La Loggia e molti altri – a chiedere a Garibaldi di liberare l’isola dal giogo dell’oppressore Borbone contro cui c’erano stati i gloriosi Vespri; the thousand were expected to Palermo with feverish anxiety, which the Sicilians who left were far from Quarto 71 (more of Piedmont), hundreds of Sicilians were added to the Arabian in the land of Sicily, including priests and monks, and that was the Sicilian Pilot's flagship, Piedmont - where he was Garibaldi - Salvatore Castiglia (he choose the landing at Marsala), which was the only woman Montmasson Rosalie, wife of the Sicilian Crispi, that Palermo was the only city to meet with an individual medal each party to the dispatch, that 800 thousand of today would be called "Po", most of those countrymen who now speak ill of Garibaldi, as I do from Milan, Bergamo and Brescia.
LO "rogue states" Bourbon and the Revisionism of fools. And as he was well under the Bourbons, "King obscurantist, capricious and cruel as few (England by Lord Gladstone regarded the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, a real" rogue state "- as we would say today - only considering its notorious prisons) , tells us in a lively autobiographical book "Thoughts and memories of historical and contemporary" (ed. Sellerio 1991), a Sicilian aristocrat a bit 'reckless, Michele Palmieri Miccichè, probably ancestor of the political - see previous article - today speaks ill of Garibaldi. " The Micciche, who experimented on well before the '48 own skin, despite being a privileged, the cruelty of that crazy absolutist state, clerical, and corrupt police who forced him to emigrate to France. THE COURAGE OF INTELLECTUAL
. The entire history of the Arabian genius Garibaldi, first as a great man and then as commander, with courage, speed and coldness in military decisions, see the chapters in the manual in the early twentieth century wrote a number of experts, and now reissued in free distribution (" General Giuseppe Garibaldi ," Army Historical Office, 2007). An exciting book: we never believed that a handbook designed to explain the technical officers of the Great milta Nizzardo in individual battles would also like to those who are not interested in military affairs, explaining better than many history books that his victories were due mainly to the ideals and even stronger intellectual freedom, and that the losses were mainly Bourbon ideals and moral failures of those who was against the liberty, therefore, against the history.
INSTEAD '"DO ITALY" LA is discarded. In short, Sicily and Bergamo curiously still together? Today in speaking ill of Garibaldi yesterday, 150 years ago, under his banner. Involution really mean.
They were right, then, the Risorgimento: the Italians should still do it.
regions and provinces, dens of parasitism. Moreover, we think Europe and the market consider international nation, indeed, a very small state that only the provincial dullness can think of to break even more. So small that even the regions and provinces are a luxury irrational, especially if their own. And by the way, "self" to whom and to what, since that alone would not be able to make three steps without falling even more ridiculous, and even now they charge their waste, their follies megalomaniac provincial from other fellow citizens? They are the real bullies from which we should get rid of. But where to find a new Garibaldi regain them once again for their own good?

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Ma la Sicilia era contro Napoli e i Borboni, con Garibaldi e il Risorgimento

Gianfranco Micciche, Undersecretary to the Presidency Council of Ministers, member of the Chamber of Deputies, a prominent supporter of President of the Sicilian Region, which could not stand without his support, declaring that "our misfortune" (our of Sicilians, of course), "I started just with the 'Unit of Italy. The sentence reads, in black and white, in his interview on June 8, 2010 to electronic journal "Siciliaoggi.net.
Years ago I had the opportunity to study a remarkable book, "Ruggero Settimo Risorgimento in Sicily", published in 1928 by the publishing house Laterza of Bari, written by a Sicilian aristocrat, Charles Avarna (1885-1964), Duke of Gualtieri. Avarna is known to historians for having published in May 1925, a book, titled "Fascism" at the Publisher Piero Gobetti.
Recall, quickly, some historical transition. December 11, 1816: Ferdinand de Bourbon, IV as king of Naples and III as king of Sicily, has by his own decree to merge the two kingdoms and became Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies. The Sicilians resent this decision, given that the Kingdom of Sicily dating back to September 27th of the year 1130, when he was crowned Roger II of Altavilla. As Charles wrote Avarna, the Bourbon king trampled the "secular autonomy of the island that thirty-five king had, for nearly eight centuries, and which met for the first time, had wanted to make an attempt in 1816" (op. cit, p . 269).
January 12, 1848: the revolution starts in Palermo, the Palermo before any other European people in a year when almost all of Europe will be upset by revolutions.
March 25, 1848: In the Church of San Domenico in Palermo General inaugurated the Parliament of Sicily. Parliament expressed that a ruling class of extraordinary quality, which, unfortunately, will never again know Sicily. Were among them, among others, Frank Ferrara, Frank Paul Perez, Philip Cordova, Michele Amari, Amari Emeric, Vito d'Ondes Reggio, Matthew Rael, Francesco Crispi, Giuseppe La Farina. Many of them were the protagonists of the Italian national history.
April 13, 1848: The Sicilian Parliament proclaims solemnly che: "Ferdinando II e la sua dinastia sono decaduti dal trono di Sicilia". La corona viene allora offerta al duca di Genova, figlio secondogenito di Carlo Alberto re di Sardegna. Secondo quanto deliberato, sarebbe dovuto diventare Alberto Amedeo I, re dei Siciliani (cfr. op. cit., p. 146). Le trattative con la Corte di Torino furono travolte dagli eventi: il 25 luglio del 1848 i Piemontesi furono sconfitti a Custoza dagli Austriaci.
Il 3 novembre del 1860: Ruggero Settimo (1778-1863), dei principi di Fitalia, che aveva presieduto l'Esecutivo siciliano durante il glorioso biennio 1848-1849, scrive al Cavour: "Ella ha, con ragione, veduta nella politica seguita dal governo provvisorio del 1848 la tendenza alla nazionalità italiana sotto the House of Savoy, though it is manifested in the form that the political conditions of the time allowed ... I believe that freedom can not exist without the internal order, assurance of prudent conservation and wise progress. All these blessings we can only ensure the establishment in Italy under a constitutional monarchy the king, it is tall, has remained untouched and the flag of independence of Italian freedom. All the various regions of Italy have heard and understood this truth, and then race to the noble sacrifice on the altar of the homeland of the petty prejudices and harmful prohibits municipalities. Sicily is not wanted, nor could it be less of the other Italian regions: its unanimous and enthusiastic vote for annexation it was evidence "(see op. cit., p. 259).
There is always a tendency to rewrite history, according to those who consider themselves political conveniences of the moment, but the events of the entire the Sicilian Renaissance takes on a meaning that anyone, documents in hand, may contest: the Sicilian elite never forgave the Bourbons having first vowed, then betrayed, the Sicilian Constitution of 1812. All the movements were always inspired by the urgent desire to be independent of Naples. A Messina, Ferdinand II of Bourbon continues to be remembered as "bomb king" nickname earned for the devastating artillery bombardment Bourbon, to which the city proudly resisted for months in 1848. Accession to the Italian cause was perceived as a historic opportunity to put the island in a context of more broad-based, where the larger forces of a great nation could converge and support each other, with the aim of civil and common progress statement.
I will not repeat the vulgar attacks Miccichè has moved against the memory of Garibaldi. Would give them back their importance and amplify them.
Bourbon kingdom fell because it was rotten to the core, undermined by mistrust, betrayal by those in the first place, for the roles, they should support it and defend it. Consider the battle of
Calatafimi 15 May 1860. The Garibaldi defeat in the open field a regular army more numerous, better armed and fighting in competitive advantages, having placed the artillery on the heights from which he could shoot at the red shirts who came forward. It was that victory to show that the expedition of the Thousand was something different from earlier attempts failed attempted insurgency in the South, such as those of the brothers Bandiera, or Carlo Pisacane. The victory of Calatafimi meant that the ruling classes of the island and the Sicilian people side with Garibaldi, who, in fact, already twelve days later, on May 27, 1860, conquered Palermo. To be willing to risk their lives to fight and win, it takes moral strength, obviously, Garibaldi was able to instill this virtue in those who followed him.
At the Battle of Milazzo, 20 July 1860, Garibaldi has full control of Sicily. Then he can cross the Strait, along the entire Calabria and no one dares to attack him and get to Naples, September 7, 1860, hailed as a triumph.
Meanwhile, Francis II of Bourbon took refuge in Gaeta, where he amasses huge military forces. When attempting a clash in an open field with the battle of the Volturno (1-2 October 1860) has, on paper, of fifty thousand men. But his army is routed from that of Garibaldi, this time, finally wins.
It 's true that Garibaldi was never great political genius, but it was a genuine patriot and a generous heart, sincerely loving the cause of freedom of peoples and human progress. To prove this, just remember: he agreed to put an end to the institutions of the dictatorship (and he was the dictator), who allowed 21 October 1860, in the provinces of Naples and Sicily in the plebiscite be held to ask people if they wanted, "Italy one and indivisible with King Vittorio Emanuele II constitutional his legitimate descendants "bowed to election results (the SI were equal to 78.91% of eligible voters in the provinces of Naples and to 75.13% in Sicily) on 26 October 1860, meeting of Tean, ideally gave Southern Italy and Sicily to Victor Emmanuel II Savoy, king legitimized by popular vote. In other words, the good of Italy Garibaldi Antep to their personal political convictions, there was simply part, without compensation, that he, as he got, he could ask for anything. We must remember also those who advised him in this regard, in particular, Francesco De Sanctis, remembered today as a distinguished critic of Italian literature, but then that was the policy of conciliation with Cavour, and Francesco Crispi, who was then a Republican.
may be that those who are unaware Miccichè Adolfo Omodeo, the great historian, he too was born in Palermo, August 18, 1889. In a speech to fellow countrymen in Sicily ", read in the Radio Naples 15 December 1943, Omodeo then refuted the argument made by the separatist movement in Sicily. He accused them of acting "reinvoluzione Baron," to cultivate a sense of reactionary isolationism, to falsify history. Was false, for example, that "the free state which flourished between 1860 and 1922" had been ahead of fascism in the exhaust Island. On the contrary, he argued Omodeo, "who did not mind darkened by passions and not be ignorant of history is evident than ever, after the Norman period, the island had a rash similar to that of the free Italian state, when our natural wits found wider field to succeed, and men of Sicily headed politics, the judiciary, the large political assemblies of the Kingdom of Italy. "We had to do the opposite of what he wanted to separatism: return, in its purity, the great ideal of Mazzini:" the united nation in free association of all the homelands, the Italian unit in the European Confederation that embodies the balance of continental embodies the harmonious collaboration of many peoples from many languages \u200b\u200bof European civilization, which until now has been the light of the world "(see Adolfo Omodeo," Freedom and history. Writings and speeches by politicians, "Torino , Einaudi, 1960, pp. 129-130).
Sicily has recently celebrated the sixty-fourth anniversary of the Special Statute of Autonomy, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 15 May 1946, n. 455. The first elections of the Regional Assembly were held April 20, 1947. Garibaldi is not the fault of whether the institutions have given so questionable autonomist proven itself in a period long enough to be evaluated historically. Garibaldi is not the fault of whether, when there was still the Constitutional Court, the High Court of Sicily, in its ruling of July 1948, declared unconstitutional a provision of constitutional law that same February 26, 1948, No 2, with which the Sicilian Statute was enacted into law constitutional. That provision provided that, in accordance with the constitutional revision procedure, within the next two years, would state apportate le opportune modifiche allo Statuto per armonizzarlo con le norme della Costituzione della Repubblica, scritta ed entrata in vigore successivamente. Il mancato coordinamento fu un drammatico errore politico, di cui portano piena responsabilità quanti affermano l'assurda tesi che lo Statuto sia frutto di un accordo, su un piano paritario, fra la Sicilia e lo Stato italiano.
Non è colpa di Garibaldi se oggi non si è capaci di gestire correttamente il ciclo dei rifiuti e grandi città, come Palermo, sono sporche, maleodoranti ed esposte al rischio di insorgenze sanitarie.
Sappia Miccichè che gli esseri umani non sono tutti uguali, nei gesti e negli atteggiamenti. Alcuni conservano grata memoria dei loro antenati diretti e, comunque, delle precedenti generazioni. Si sentono legati al passato da saldi vincoli ideali e culturali. Le parole possono offendere e dividere; in particolare, le parole che tendono a negare quanto per altri merita rispetto, affetto, venerazione. Parole siffatte scavano fossati che nessun interesse politico poi potrà colmare. E' una questione d'onore; almeno questo Miccichè dovrebbe essere in grado di capirlo.
Cavalcare il sicilianismo forse farà prendere qualche voto; ma, con certezza, ne alienerà altri in modo irrimediabile.
Come già Ruggero Settimo anch'io mi definisco "italiano, nato in Sicilia" e quando vedo una statua di Giuseppe Garibaldi sorrido, come si sorriderebbe a un vecchio amico.
LIVIO GHERSI

Sample Lease Letter To Landlord

150 anni di Unità d’Italia. Da Quarto il 5 maggio partono Garibaldi e i Mille

History teaches? Yes, but only the clever, and if you read the books. The dumb bells of the various leagues of North and South, in whose cultural level and education are born every day tasty cartoons, because like all the stupid harm others but also themselves, do not know that the Mille Garibaldi who runs away from Genoa Fourth were much smarter and infinitely more cultured them. Mazzini were almost all idealistic and intellectual Republicans. Among the thousand, there were almost 800 "Po" (translated: Northern Italian), many of them in Milan, Bergamo and Brescia, and as many as 100 doctors and chemists, 50 engineers, 150 lawyers, 500 Craft and traders. There were 71 in Sicily. And it was precisely the Sicilian Crispi, on behalf of fellow patriots who had already risen against the dull Bourbons, to pray Garibaldi to free Sicily hate tyrant.
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Today we celebrate the anniversary of a century and a half after starting adventurous - May 5, 1860 - the rock Genoa Quarto, the expedition of the Thousand led by Giuseppe Garibaldi. It was really the event of our solver Risorgimento, it led, even beyond the expectations of the moderates against the wait, the much-desired unity of Italy. The general shape of the irregular
Nice, one of the most beautiful and powerful of our nineteenth century, alongside that of Cavour, lucid and decisive political strategist, is one that would be enough to draw on their own time. The Mille
, liberal idealists who came from all over Italy and even from different countries of Europe, they were young, inexperienced and poorly equipped. Embarked on two steamships, Piedmont and Lombardy, secretly provided by the Kingdom of Sardinia, and arrived at Marsala to begin the conquest of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. They were discreetly supported by the British navy. The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies
disintegrated on the first bump in Calatafimi, although a regular army tens of times larger, much better equipped and trained. But weak because corroded by corruption and authoritarianism of the Bourbon obtuse, without the consent of a people kept ignorant, outraged by injustice, extortionists from the privileges of local vassals (sottopotere an anarchist bands based on private and will lead to the Mafia).
The declaration of the Unity of Italy occurred in March 1861. In fact in 2011 will end on cycle of memorial that has just opened, under the title "Places of Memory". And what a memory! Never Italy,
had, after the ancient Rome, more glories.
With the laying of a wreath, carried by two cuirassiers the foot of the commemorative stele departure from Genova Quarto dei Mille - press reports on its website - President of the Republic Giorgio Napolitano has started the celebrations of the 150th anniversary of the Unification of Italy. The President of the Republic accompanied by the Minister of Defence visited the monument in front of thousand to watch the actions of the mayor of Genoa and the Minister for Cultural Heritage. At the end, on the terrace below the monument has visited the area to house the stele inscribed with the names of the thousands of partisans.
Then the President gave the starting signal for the Genoa-crossing celebration Marsala recalls that the Thousand. Take part in the race two boats crewed by well-known sailors including Pelaschier Mauro and Francesco De Angelis. They will arrive at Marsala on May 11 after touching Talamone and Porto Santo Stefano, as at the time the ships carrying the Garibaldi. Subsequently, the presidential cortege arrived at the Stazione Marittima, where the head of state has moved on the flight deck of the vessel Garibaldi and accompanied by Minister of Defense and the heads of the Armed Forces has reviewed a detachment deployed with flag and band. After visiting an exhibition of historical artifacts has signed the roll of honor on the Garibaldi.

We like this ex-communist President paradoxically reminiscent of the great liberal President Luigi Einaudi. He recommended on this occasion to find harmony and the spirit of unity, and has rightly criticized the political exploitation vulgar anti-unification and anti-Risorgimento. But most of all - he said - we must "encourage ourselves to have a little 'more than national pride." Which moreover is also central to reconstruct ("Italy is made, now we must make Italians"), our image abroad, an image that the stupid claims of the Northern League and neo-Bourbons of the South contribute to lower self-defeating in a way, with disastrous results even at the commercial level. But, you know, intelligence and good sense are not typical of these groups, which otherwise would not have taken positions so obtuse, denied by a great history cominciare da quella meridionalistica, tutta fatta di grandi intellettuali meridionali.
Come controprova, basta vedere il diverso piglio di francesi, inglesi e tedeschi, Nazioni non diversamente travagliate e divise storicamente dell'Italia, ma con borghesie molto più colte e intellettualmente meno provinciali.
Del resto, l'Italia già è piccola e poco influente nell'economia globalizzata dove contano solo i grandi numeri e gli Stati forti. E' una piccola provincia dell'Europa, che comincia a sua volta ad essere poca cosa rispetto ai giganti Stati Uniti e Cina. Suddividerla ancora in regioni o macro-regioni, tornare indietro nel tempo, sarebbe folle: saremmo tutti più deboli. E solo pensare che Veneto o Sicilia, Lombardia o Campania, can alone compete in international markets and also in consideration of foreign policy is ridiculous. But the provincials this subcultural League North and South, with a lot of pathetic and neoasburgici neoborbonici, I do not ever understand. To understand you must have studied history, and how they speak or write in the South and the North it soon becomes clear that their main problem is ignorance.

Leighfrom Xtrem Curvs

Ipazia, prima martire della libertà di scienza, e i delitti del fanatismo cristiano

"When the Taliban were Christians" is called a bell ' article Silvia Ronchey on Press, rightly points out that the early Christians were actually the extremists. Bishop Cyril, later St. by the Church, which is murder, literally cut to pieces by his fanatical monks, stupid and criminal as only certain monks can be, the great astronomer, mathematics and pagan philosopher Hypatia, a true genius of knowledge. Speaks of this movie Agora. which was shown at Cannes a year ago now (May 2009). But even in Italy and the United States was not a distributor willing to displease the ecclesiastical hierarchy, given that history, and is the true story reveals the violence of Christians, Muslims and non of the usual. One excessive zeal and naïve and clumsy, why is not boycotting a film that manages to hide one of the blackest pages in the history of Christianity. E 'was even signed an appeal to intellectuals to request the release of the film in Italy. However, a humiliating way if we think that we are not in the Middle Ages, as argued by the Church, but in 2010, even in our country can now see the movie. The review has Livio Ghersi.
NICO VALERIO
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Agora, directed by Alejandro Amenabar, the film is well made and intelligent. It is not just a story, a loose but credible reconstruction of real events, but bears a lesson. E 'further proof of fault determined by the fanaticism religious is a further warning to be on guard against religion transformed into an instrument of government in society. The theocracy is always rejected, even when the power is exercised by a bishop in the name of Jesus Christ.
Jesus crucified St. Peter crucify you with the head turned down because, even in death, does not want to be equated with his master, against whom you feel unworthy, Sao Paulo that he too suffered martyrdom. How was it possible, then, that after just three hundred years the "Christian", made strong by the fact that the emperor of Rome professed their own faith, to claim, with the systematic use of intimidation and violence, which does not was more allowed to publicly support any religious, or philosophical, as opposed to their faith?
With the theocracy is made a totalitarian social system. In Egypt, in the city of Alexandria, in the year 415 AD, was murdered in gruesome ways, by Christian fanatics, the "virgin" Hypatia .
In the first volume of his "History of philosophical and scientific thought" Ludovico Geymonat wrote that Hypatia was part of the Neo-Platonic school of Alexandria, was the daughter of the mathematician Theon of Alexandria, was a scholar of philosophy and mathematics and was murdered by "a crowd of Christian fanatics "(see Garzanti edition, 1970, p. 334).
When the bishop Theophilus was succeeded by Cyril (370-444 AD), the Church of Alexandria expressed unreserved its hegemonic will be against the pagans, that is, the worshipers of the ancient gods, whether in respect of the substantial and deep-rooted Jewish community. The pagan Hypatia
annoyed because, for its prestige as a teacher, had a public role. The defendants could not be licentious customs, being a nun of the corresponding secular: all voted for the wisdom and love for science.
In the film imagines the bishop Cyril as he reads the first letter of Paul to Timothy. This is one of the three pastoral letters, the apostle, in prison in Rome, wrote to Timothy in Ephesus and Titus in Crete to give them instructions and tips on how to govern the local churches. The passage of interest here, quoting in full, is as follows: "In the same way women do, by wearing decent attire: adorn themselves second modesty and moderation, not with braids and gold ornaments or pearls or costly array; but with good deeds, as befits women who profess piety. Let the woman learn in silence with perfect submission, not a woman to teach or to dominate man, but (want) to be in silence. For In fact Adam was formed first, then Eve "(1 Tim 2: 9-13).
Seeing the violence, the reconstruction film, make dei monaci fanatici, detti "parabolani", si avverte subito proprio la nostalgia delle parole di Gesù: "Io invece vi dico: amate i vostri nemici e pregate per quelli che vi perseguitano" (Mt, 5, 44-46). "Rimetti la tua spada al suo posto, poiché tutti quelli che mettono mano alla spada, di spada periranno" (Mt, 26, 52-54).
Nella vicenda di Ipazia si colgono, quindi, due elementi. Il primo è la possibilità di una lettura strumentale delle Sacre Scritture, nel perseguimento di meschini obiettivi politici. Tanto strumentale che la lettera delle Scritture finisce per essere in stridente contrasto con il complessivo spirito ispiratore del messaggio cristiano. Il secondo è il radicamento, nel Cristianesimo, di una view that relegates women to a subordinate and submissive. Although this view is confirmed by passages of the Old Testament and, as regards the New Testament, in the thoughts of some apostles (not words directly referring to Jesus), one can reasonably argue that in this case the scriptures reflect their mentality of the past and, therefore, of course destined to be overcome in the historical development. Keep it as if it were a timeless truth, amounts to a serious error.
Similarly, there must be a reason if the drawings of the building was expected to vary between men and women and has been provided for the need of sexual union between belonging to different sexes for the perpetuation of the species. Without women, humanity will become extinct, this simple consideration comes at least equal status with men. Moreover, Christianity has exalted the role of motherhood in the cult of the Madonna. If the Old Testament forth Eve from Adam's rib, the New Testament brings out the Son of God by a woman, Mary: "Blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus," reads a prayer familiar to most people.
From the story of Hypatia drew many topics is fighting religious fanaticism, like Voltaire, who both profess themselves free thinkers, the conclusions arrived more radical and materialistic, as the Irish philosopher John Toland (1670-1722). Today the same story can be used as another starting polemic against the Catholic Church.
are still immune from any anti-Christian reading of the film Agora those who, following a long tradition of thought, meaning inside the Church itself, are convinced that the spirit of Christianity commands to love our neighbor, not usargli violence that truth of the Christian faith are claimed by the witness of the conduct charged, but they can not be imposed.
Modernity has made a gift to the Catholic Church, freeing them from responsibility and burdens the exercise of temporal power, and allowing it to better characterized as a reference point spiritual. In the dialectic with the powers that be, the Church can make its best by appealing to the individual conscience, stating the reasons for the dignity of the human person, of acceptance of others, charity, peace. This is his role.
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The temporal and spiritual distinction is fundamental to the concept of the secular state. That respects all religious faiths, as well as all philosophical with a comprehensive view of the human world (in German, Weltanschauung ); this respect is reflected in the freedom of worship and is substantiated by the fact that the laws applied in a manner equal to all persons subject alla sovranità dello Stato, indipendentemente dalle fedi che professano, o non professano. I precetti religiosi valgono per i fedeli ed hanno l'autorevolezza che loro stessi gli conferiscono, osservandoli spontaneamente; le leggi obbligano tutti. Le autorità dello Stato laico hanno il dovere di impedire che i cittadini possano subire prevaricazioni o violenze per il fatto di non conformarsi alle prescrizioni della religione seguita dalla maggioranza della popolazione. In altri termini, è la tutela delle minoranze ciò che caratterizza un ordinamento improntato a princìpi liberal-democratici.
Un pensatore liberale italiano, Benedetto Croce, è ricordato come "filosofo dei distinti" per aver sostenuto che non ci può essere un criterio unico per giudicare i diversi ambiti di attività in cui si svolge lo spirito umano. Così il giudizio estetico, il ragionare del bello, è indipendente da considerazioni utilitaristiche, dal giudizio morale, da valutazioni politiche. Il giudicare del vero, che si utilizza per valutare la coerenza logica del pensiero, non è subordinato a secondi fini. La ricerca dell'utile, ossia del proprio vantaggio individuale, ricerca tipica nei campi dell'economia e della politica, si misura in relazione all'idoneità dell'azione a conseguire il suo obiettivo. Questa ricerca indirizza gran parte dei comportamenti pratici, ma non li esaurisce. Infatti, in contraddizione con la valutazione del proprio utile particolare, si possono pure porre in essere different behavior, inspired by moral judgments, that aspiration towards good, pursuing altruistic goals. Instead
religious fanaticism and totalitarian: it wants to reduce all the spiritual activity criteria for judging that his faith inspired him, as his brain, more or less gifted, and its culture, more or less coarse, interpret the same faith. That could bring more people with high spirit to completely different opinions.
A religious fanatic is not qualified to judge the science of Galileo for his heretical scientist is only the fact of not faithfully repeat old ideas, but supported by the authority of tradition. Repression della libera ricerca è repressione dello spirito umano. E' un peccato contro lo spirito. Questo il peccato commesso da chi spense l'intelligenza e la vita di una bella persona, quale fu Ipazia.
LIVIO GHERSI