Gianfranco Micciche, Undersecretary to the Presidency Council of Ministers, member of the Chamber of Deputies, a prominent supporter of President of the Sicilian Region, which could not stand without his support, declaring that "our misfortune" (our of Sicilians, of course), "I started just with the 'Unit of Italy. The sentence reads, in black and white, in his interview on June 8, 2010 to electronic journal "Siciliaoggi.net.
Years ago I had the opportunity to study a remarkable book, "Ruggero Settimo Risorgimento in Sicily", published in 1928 by the publishing house Laterza of Bari, written by a Sicilian aristocrat, Charles Avarna (1885-1964), Duke of Gualtieri. Avarna is known to historians for having published in May 1925, a book, titled "Fascism" at the Publisher Piero Gobetti.
Recall, quickly, some historical transition. December 11, 1816: Ferdinand de Bourbon, IV as king of Naples and III as king of Sicily, has by his own decree to merge the two kingdoms and became Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies. The Sicilians resent this decision, given that the Kingdom of Sicily dating back to September 27th of the year 1130, when he was crowned Roger II of Altavilla. As Charles wrote Avarna, the Bourbon king trampled the "secular autonomy of the island that thirty-five king had, for nearly eight centuries, and which met for the first time, had wanted to make an attempt in 1816" (op. cit, p . 269).
January 12, 1848: the revolution starts in Palermo, the Palermo before any other European people in a year when almost all of Europe will be upset by revolutions.
March 25, 1848: In the Church of San Domenico in Palermo General inaugurated the Parliament of Sicily. Parliament expressed that a ruling class of extraordinary quality, which, unfortunately, will never again know Sicily. Were among them, among others, Frank Ferrara, Frank Paul Perez, Philip Cordova, Michele Amari, Amari Emeric, Vito d'Ondes Reggio, Matthew Rael, Francesco Crispi, Giuseppe La Farina. Many of them were the protagonists of the Italian national history.
April 13, 1848: The Sicilian Parliament proclaims solemnly che: "Ferdinando II e la sua dinastia sono decaduti dal trono di Sicilia". La corona viene allora offerta al duca di Genova, figlio secondogenito di Carlo Alberto re di Sardegna. Secondo quanto deliberato, sarebbe dovuto diventare Alberto Amedeo I, re dei Siciliani (cfr. op. cit., p. 146). Le trattative con la Corte di Torino furono travolte dagli eventi: il 25 luglio del 1848 i Piemontesi furono sconfitti a Custoza dagli Austriaci.
Il 3 novembre del 1860: Ruggero Settimo (1778-1863), dei principi di Fitalia, che aveva presieduto l'Esecutivo siciliano durante il glorioso biennio 1848-1849, scrive al Cavour: "Ella ha, con ragione, veduta nella politica seguita dal governo provvisorio del 1848 la tendenza alla nazionalità italiana sotto the House of Savoy, though it is manifested in the form that the political conditions of the time allowed ... I believe that freedom can not exist without the internal order, assurance of prudent conservation and wise progress. All these blessings we can only ensure the establishment in Italy under a constitutional monarchy the king, it is tall, has remained untouched and the flag of independence of Italian freedom. All the various regions of Italy have heard and understood this truth, and then race to the noble sacrifice on the altar of the homeland of the petty prejudices and harmful prohibits municipalities. Sicily is not wanted, nor could it be less of the other Italian regions: its unanimous and enthusiastic vote for annexation it was evidence "(see op. cit., p. 259).
There is always a tendency to rewrite history, according to those who consider themselves political conveniences of the moment, but the events of the entire the Sicilian Renaissance takes on a meaning that anyone, documents in hand, may contest: the Sicilian elite never forgave the Bourbons having first vowed, then betrayed, the Sicilian Constitution of 1812. All the movements were always inspired by the urgent desire to be independent of Naples. A Messina, Ferdinand II of Bourbon continues to be remembered as "bomb king" nickname earned for the devastating artillery bombardment Bourbon, to which the city proudly resisted for months in 1848. Accession to the Italian cause was perceived as a historic opportunity to put the island in a context of more broad-based, where the larger forces of a great nation could converge and support each other, with the aim of civil and common progress statement.
I will not repeat the vulgar attacks Miccichè has moved against the memory of Garibaldi. Would give them back their importance and amplify them.
Bourbon kingdom fell because it was rotten to the core, undermined by mistrust, betrayal by those in the first place, for the roles, they should support it and defend it. Consider the battle of
Calatafimi 15 May 1860. The Garibaldi defeat in the open field a regular army more numerous, better armed and fighting in competitive advantages, having placed the artillery on the heights from which he could shoot at the red shirts who came forward. It was that victory to show that the expedition of the Thousand was something different from earlier attempts failed attempted insurgency in the South, such as those of the brothers Bandiera, or Carlo Pisacane. The victory of Calatafimi meant that the ruling classes of the island and the Sicilian people side with Garibaldi, who, in fact, already twelve days later, on May 27, 1860, conquered Palermo. To be willing to risk their lives to fight and win, it takes moral strength, obviously, Garibaldi was able to instill this virtue in those who followed him.
At the Battle of Milazzo, 20 July 1860, Garibaldi has full control of Sicily. Then he can cross the Strait, along the entire Calabria and no one dares to attack him and get to Naples, September 7, 1860, hailed as a triumph.
Meanwhile, Francis II of Bourbon took refuge in Gaeta, where he amasses huge military forces. When attempting a clash in an open field with the battle of the Volturno (1-2 October 1860) has, on paper, of fifty thousand men. But his army is routed from that of Garibaldi, this time, finally wins.
It 's true that Garibaldi was never great political genius, but it was a genuine patriot and a generous heart, sincerely loving the cause of freedom of peoples and human progress. To prove this, just remember: he agreed to put an end to the institutions of the dictatorship (and he was the dictator), who allowed 21 October 1860, in the provinces of Naples and Sicily in the plebiscite be held to ask people if they wanted, "Italy one and indivisible with King Vittorio Emanuele II constitutional his legitimate descendants "bowed to election results (the SI were equal to 78.91% of eligible voters in the provinces of Naples and to 75.13% in Sicily) on 26 October 1860, meeting of Tean, ideally gave Southern Italy and Sicily to Victor Emmanuel II Savoy, king legitimized by popular vote. In other words, the good of Italy Garibaldi Antep to their personal political convictions, there was simply part, without compensation, that he, as he got, he could ask for anything. We must remember also those who advised him in this regard, in particular, Francesco De Sanctis, remembered today as a distinguished critic of Italian literature, but then that was the policy of conciliation with Cavour, and Francesco Crispi, who was then a Republican.
may be that those who are unaware Miccichè Adolfo Omodeo, the great historian, he too was born in Palermo, August 18, 1889. In a speech to fellow countrymen in Sicily ", read in the Radio Naples 15 December 1943, Omodeo then refuted the argument made by the separatist movement in Sicily. He accused them of acting "reinvoluzione Baron," to cultivate a sense of reactionary isolationism, to falsify history. Was false, for example, that "the free state which flourished between 1860 and 1922" had been ahead of fascism in the exhaust Island. On the contrary, he argued Omodeo, "who did not mind darkened by passions and not be ignorant of history is evident than ever, after the Norman period, the island had a rash similar to that of the free Italian state, when our natural wits found wider field to succeed, and men of Sicily headed politics, the judiciary, the large political assemblies of the Kingdom of Italy. "We had to do the opposite of what he wanted to separatism: return, in its purity, the great ideal of Mazzini:" the united nation in free association of all the homelands, the Italian unit in the European Confederation that embodies the balance of continental embodies the harmonious collaboration of many peoples from many languages \u200b\u200bof European civilization, which until now has been the light of the world "(see Adolfo Omodeo," Freedom and history. Writings and speeches by politicians, "Torino , Einaudi, 1960, pp. 129-130).
Sicily has recently celebrated the sixty-fourth anniversary of the Special Statute of Autonomy, approved by Royal Legislative Decree 15 May 1946, n. 455. The first elections of the Regional Assembly were held April 20, 1947. Garibaldi is not the fault of whether the institutions have given so questionable autonomist proven itself in a period long enough to be evaluated historically. Garibaldi is not the fault of whether, when there was still the Constitutional Court, the High Court of Sicily, in its ruling of July 1948, declared unconstitutional a provision of constitutional law that same February 26, 1948, No 2, with which the Sicilian Statute was enacted into law constitutional. That provision provided that, in accordance with the constitutional revision procedure, within the next two years, would state apportate le opportune modifiche allo Statuto per armonizzarlo con le norme della Costituzione della Repubblica, scritta ed entrata in vigore successivamente. Il mancato coordinamento fu un drammatico errore politico, di cui portano piena responsabilità quanti affermano l'assurda tesi che lo Statuto sia frutto di un accordo, su un piano paritario, fra la Sicilia e lo Stato italiano.
Non è colpa di Garibaldi se oggi non si è capaci di gestire correttamente il ciclo dei rifiuti e grandi città, come Palermo, sono sporche, maleodoranti ed esposte al rischio di insorgenze sanitarie.
Sappia Miccichè che gli esseri umani non sono tutti uguali, nei gesti e negli atteggiamenti. Alcuni conservano grata memoria dei loro antenati diretti e, comunque, delle precedenti generazioni. Si sentono legati al passato da saldi vincoli ideali e culturali. Le parole possono offendere e dividere; in particolare, le parole che tendono a negare quanto per altri merita rispetto, affetto, venerazione. Parole siffatte scavano fossati che nessun interesse politico poi potrà colmare. E' una questione d'onore; almeno questo Miccichè dovrebbe essere in grado di capirlo.
Cavalcare il sicilianismo forse farà prendere qualche voto; ma, con certezza, ne alienerà altri in modo irrimediabile.
Come già Ruggero Settimo anch'io mi definisco "italiano, nato in Sicilia" e quando vedo una statua di Giuseppe Garibaldi sorrido, come si sorriderebbe a un vecchio amico.
LIVIO GHERSI
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